Context

• Climate change has evolved into a structural challenge to the foundations of international law.
• Beyond addressing environmental damage and designing burden-sharing mechanisms, states must now reconsider core legal doctrines.
• Principles such as Permanent Sovereignty over Natural Resources (PSNR), the territorial requirement for statehood under the Montevideo Convention, refugee protection under the 1951 Refugee Convention, and maritime entitlements governed by the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea are increasingly unsettled.
• Within the framework of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), states face the urgent task of renegotiation to preserve legal stability while responding to climate-induced risks.

Climate Change and Permanent Sovereignty over Natural Resources

• The Foundation of PSNR
  • The doctrine of PSNR emerged from decolonisation and affirms the right of states to control and exploit their natural wealth.
  • It also includes fossil fuels, in pursuit of economic independence and self-determination and remains a cornerstone of sovereign equality and development policy.
• Tension Between Fossil Fuel Exploitation and Climate Obligations
  • The imperative to limit global warming to 1.5°C has intensified calls for a phase-out of fossil fuels.
  • Proposals such as a Fossil-Fuel Non-Proliferation Treaty advocate leaving substantial reserves unexploited.
  • This creates tension between national resource rights and the common concern of humankind.
  • Developing states may accept limited obligations restricting extraction, provided these do not permanently undermine development prospects.
  • Equity requires climate finance, technology transfer, and access to carbon-neutral technologies from developed countries.
  • Climate governance thus recalibrates sovereignty, balancing resource control with collective environmental responsibility.

Climate Change and the Territorial Requirement for Statehood

• The Montevideo Criteria for Statehood
  • The Montevideo Convention establishes four criteria for statehood: defined territory, permanent population, government, and capacity to enter relations.
  • Sea-level rise (SLR) threatens small island states whose physical territory may diminish or disappear, raising existential legal questions.
• State Continuity and Legal Ambiguity
  • Customary international law presumes state continuity. The International Court of Justice has indicated that loss of one constituent element does not automatically extinguish statehood.
  • In 2023, the Pacific Islands Forum affirmed that international law does not contemplate the demise of states due to climate-related SLR.
  • No minimum territorial threshold is specified in the Montevideo Convention, reinforcing arguments for continued legal personality despite land loss.
  • However, the erosion of territory threatens governance structures, citizenship rights, and sovereign authority, rendering statehood increasingly precarious.
  • Climate change exposes gaps between formal doctrine and geopolitical reality.

Climate Change-Induced Migration and Refugee Protection

• Limitations of the 1951 Refugee Framework
  • The 1951 Refugee Convention protects individuals fleeing persecution based on race, religion, nationality, social group, or political opinion.
  • Persons displaced by environmental degradation or SLR do not meet this definition. Consequently, climate migrants risk losing international protection and the benefits attached to nationality.
• The Need for a New Legal Regime
  • Addressing this protection gap requires a dedicated legal mechanism, potentially through a protocol under the UNFCCC. Such a framework could provide recognition, resettlement, and safeguards for those displaced by climate impacts.
  • This approach reflects a shift toward collective responsibility and human security, acknowledging that environmental harm generates cross-border consequences beyond traditional refugee law.

Unsettling of Maritime Zones

• Baselines and Maritime Entitlements
  • Under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, maritime zones, including the territorial sea, contiguous zone, exclusive economic zone (EEZ), and continental shelf, are measured from coastal baselines.
  • Rising sea levels may shift these baselines, potentially reducing maritime entitlements and access to marine resources.
• Permanent vs. Ambulatory Baselines
  • Several small island and Pacific states advocate permanent baselines, effectively freezing maritime claims despite physical coastal changes.
  • This ensures jurisdictional stability and economic security.
  • This position contrasts with the traditional ambulatory baseline doctrine permitted under UNCLOS, whereby baselines move with natural coastal shifts.
  • Accepting either interpretation in the context of anthropogenic climate change would require significant legal reinterpretation.
  • The tension illustrates the conflict between static legal doctrines and dynamic environmental transformation.

Conclusion

• Climate change represents a transformative moment for international law. Foundational doctrines, sovereignty, territorial integrity, refugee protection, and maritime jurisdiction, are strained by rising seas, displacement, and decarbonisation imperatives.
• The UNFCCC framework and its Conference of the Parties provide a crucial forum for advancing equitable principles and reinforcing international cooperation.
• Responding effectively demands more than incremental adaptation; it requires principled legal innovation, solidarity, and a redefinition of rights and responsibilities in an era of planetary crisis.

Why in the News?

• India has ranked second globally in the number of children living with overweight and obesity, according to the World Obesity Atlas 2026.

What’s in Today’s Article?

• Childhood Obesity (Global Trends, India’s Rankings & Current Situation, Future Projections, Health Implications, Key Factors, Policy Measures, etc.)

Global Trends in Childhood Obesity

• Childhood obesity has emerged as a major global public health challenge over the past two decades.
• According to the World Obesity Atlas 2026, more than one in five children aged 5-19 worldwide are overweight or obese, representing about 20.7% of children globally, compared to 14.6% in 2010.
• The report indicates that over 200 million school-age children living with overweight or obesity are concentrated in just ten countries.
• China, India, and the United States account for a large proportion of this burden.
• Globally, the number of children affected by overweight and obesity is projected to continue rising.
• The World Obesity Federation estimates that around 507 million children worldwide could be overweight or obese by 2040, highlighting the urgent need for preventive health policies.
• These trends demonstrate that childhood obesity is no longer limited to high-income countries; it is rapidly increasing in developing and middle-income nations as well.

India’s Ranking and Current Situation

• India now ranks second globally after China in the number of children living with overweight and obesity.
• According to the World Obesity Atlas 2026:

• Around 41 million children in India have high Body Mass Index (BMI).
• Approximately 14 million children are living with obesity.

• Data from 2025 shows that:

• Nearly 14.9 million children aged 5-9 years were overweight or obese.
• More than 26 million adolescents aged 10-19 years were overweight or obese.

• These figures place India ahead of the United States in terms of the number of children affected by obesity. However, experts note that India’s large population size contributes significantly to this ranking.
• Within the WHO South-East Asia Region, India has the highest number of children and adolescents affected by overweight and obesity.

Future Projections for India

• The World Obesity Atlas provides projections for the period 2025-2040, indicating a worrying rise in childhood obesity in India.
• Key projections include:

• Around 20 million children in India are expected to be living with obesity by 2040.
• Nearly 56 million children are projected to be overweight or obese by the same period.
• In addition, the report predicts that many children may develop health complications associated with high BMI. For instance:
• Cases of BMI-related hypertension may rise from 2.99 million to 4.21 million.
• Hyperglycaemia may increase from 1.39 million to 1.91 million.
• High triglycerides, a risk factor for cardiovascular disease, may increase from 4.39 million to 6.07 million.

• These projections indicate that childhood obesity could significantly increase the burden of non-communicable diseases (NCDs) in India.

Health Implications of Childhood Obesity

• Childhood obesity exposes young individuals to several health risks typically associated with adulthood. These include Hypertension, Cardiovascular diseases, Type 2 diabetes and Metabolic disorders
• The report estimates that over 57 million children may show early signs of cardiovascular disease by 2040, while more than 43 million may show symptoms of hypertension.
• Additionally, childhood obesity increases the likelihood of obesity persisting into adulthood, leading to long-term health and economic consequences.
• Thus, tackling obesity early in life is crucial for preventing future health crises.

Key Factors Contributing to Childhood Obesity

• Several lifestyle and environmental factors are contributing to rising obesity levels among children in India.
• The report highlights the following risk factors:
  • Low physical activity: About 74% of adolescents aged 11-17 fail to meet recommended physical activity levels.
  • Poor dietary patterns: Children increasingly consume processed foods and sugary beverages, contributing to higher calorie intake.
  • Limited school nutrition coverage: Only 35.5% of school-age children receive school meals, indicating gaps in nutrition programmes.
  • Early-life nutrition challenges: Around 32.6% of infants experience sub-optimal breastfeeding, which may increase the risk of obesity later in life.
  • Maternal health risks: About 13.4% of women aged 15-49 have high BMI, while 4.2% live with Type 2 diabetes, which may influence childhood obesity risk.
• These factors highlight that childhood obesity is influenced by a combination of lifestyle, nutrition, and social determinants.

Policy Measures and Prevention Strategies

• The World Obesity Federation has emphasised the need for coordinated policy responses to address childhood obesity.
• Recommended measures include:

• Healthier school food environments
• Restrictions on marketing unhealthy foods to children
• Taxes on sugar-sweetened beverages
• Promotion of physical activity among children
• Protection and promotion of breastfeeding
• Integration of obesity prevention into primary healthcare systems

• Experts also emphasise early screening and intervention to identify at-risk children and provide appropriate healthcare support.
• Implementing these measures can help slow the rise of childhood obesity and improve long-term health outcomes.

Context:

• India’s social and cultural landscape is marked by extraordinary diversity, reflected in its caste communities, Denotified and Nomadic Tribes (DNTs), and languages.
• Yet, paradoxically, the country lacks precise data on several of these categories. Historical processes, colonial classifications, and post-Independence administrative choices have left significant gaps in understanding India’s social composition.
• With the delayed Census (originally scheduled for 2021, now expected to conclude by 2027), questions regarding the enumeration of Other Backward Classes (OBCs), DNTs, and languages remain contentious and unresolved.

India’s Caste Communities - An Uncertain Count:

• Evolution of caste communities:
  • The number of caste communities in India remains uncertain despite extensive anthropological and historical research.
  • Various theories attribute the emergence of caste to -
    • Occupational specialisation
    • Ritual hierarchy and social stratification
    • Tribal integration into the caste system
    • Regional socio-economic transformations
  • However, no consensus exists regarding the exact number or origin of caste communities.
• Other Backward Classes (OBCs):
  • India also lacks a precise count of OBC communities.
  • The Mandal Commission (1980) identified thousands of socially and educationally backward groups, but enumeration has never been systematically updated.
  • Absence of caste-based Census data limits accurate assessment of their demographic and socio-economic status.

Denotified and Nomadic Tribes (DNTs) - A Neglected Category:

• Historical background:
  • Many nomadic communities were classified as “Criminal Tribes” under the Criminal Tribes Act (CTA), 1871, by the British colonial government.
  • These communities were subjected to systematic surveillance and restrictions on movement.
• Denotification and present status:
  • The Criminal Tribes Act was repealed in 1952, leading to the “denotification” of these groups.
  • After Independence, they were placed under Scheduled Castes (SC), Scheduled Tribes (ST), OBCs, or the General category, depending on regional classification.
• Data deficit: India still does not have an official count of DNT communities or their population. This represents a major gap in policy formulation for historically marginalised groups.

Language Diversity in India:

• Early linguistic survey:
  • The first comprehensive attempt to map India’s linguistic diversity was the Linguistic Survey of India, proposed by George Abraham Grierson in 1886.
  • Conducted over three decades, it documented 179 languages, and 544 dialects.
• Post-independence developments:
  • Despite India being organised into linguistic states, there has been no independent linguistic survey since independence. Instead, language data is derived from the Census.
  • Census language data:
    • 1961 Census: 1,652 mother tongues
    • 1971 Census: 108 languages (plus “others”)
    • 2011 Census: 1,369 mother tongues and 121 languages
  • This shows the disappearance of 283 mother tongues between 1961 and 2011, raising questions about classification methods and data processing.

Issues with Census Language Classification:

• Arbitrary criteria:
  • Census reports often exclude languages spoken by fewer than 10,000 people.
  • Linguistically, this criterion has no scientific basis, as language identity is not determined by the number of speakers.
• Mother tongue vs language:
  • The Census distinction between “mother tongue” and “language” is widely criticised as methodologically inconsistent.
  • Such classifications risk undermining India’s linguistic diversity.

Recent Debates on Language Origins:

• Linguistic families in India: Scholars generally classify Indian languages into four major families Indo-Aryan, Dravidian, Sino-Tibetan, and Austro-Asiatic.
• The “Bharat Bhasha Parivar” idea:
  • The Bharatiya Bhasha Samiti has proposed that all Indian languages belong to a single linguistic family (“Bharat Bhasha Parivar”), with Sanskrit as the primordial source predating the Indus Valley Civilisation.
  • Linguists argue that this view lacks scientific or comparative linguistic evidence, and is more ideological than scholarly.

Key Challenges and Way Forward:

• Absence of comprehensive social enumeration: No accurate count of caste communities, OBCs, or DNTs.
  • Conduct caste and community-based data collection, including OBCs and DNTs, to enable evidence-based policymaking.
• Data gaps in linguistic diversity: Lack of a post-Independence Linguistic Survey of India.
  • Revive the Linguistic Survey of India - Undertake a modern linguistic survey using digital and field-based methodologies.
• Methodological flaws in Census data: Arbitrary thresholds for language recognition, confusing distinction between mother tongue and language.
  • Scientific census methodology - Remove arbitrary thresholds for language recognition. Adopt internationally accepted linguistic classification standards.
• Policy implications: Inadequate data affects welfare policies, representation, and social justice measures.
  • Focused policy for DNTs - Prepare an official registry and socio-economic survey of Denotified and Nomadic Tribes to address historical marginalisation.
• Politicisation of linguistic history: Attempts to homogenise linguistic origins risk ignoring established linguistic scholarship.
  • Evidence-based linguistic research - Encourage independent academic research free from ideological influence.

Conclusion:

• India’s remarkable diversity—social, cultural, and linguistic—remains only partially understood due to incomplete data and methodological limitations in enumeration exercises.
• Without accurate mapping of caste groups, DNTs, and languages, policymaking risks being detached from ground realities.
• A scientific, transparent, and inclusive census and linguistic survey is essential to understand the true contours of Indian society and to strengthen democratic governance, social justice, and cultural preservation.

Why in news?

India and Canada have signed an agreement for the long-term supply of uranium to fuel India’s nuclear reactors. Under the deal, Canadian company Cameco will supply about 22 million pounds (around 10,000 tonnes) of uranium to India between 2027 and 2035. The contract is valued at about 2.6 billion Canadian dollars.

This is India’s second major uranium supply agreement within a month. Earlier, India finalised a similar deal with Kazakhstan’s state-owned company Kazatomprom, though details of that contract have not been disclosed.

These agreements are significant for India’s plans to greatly expand nuclear power generation and increase nuclear energy capacity more than tenfold by 2047.

What’s in Today’s Article?

• India’s Dependence on Imported Uranium
• Domestic Uranium Resources and Production
• Expanding and Diversifying India’s Uranium Supply
• India’s Three-Stage Nuclear Programme

India’s Dependence on Imported Uranium

• Although India has uranium deposits, the quality of its ore is relatively low. The uranium concentration in Indian mines ranges between 0.02 and 0.45 per cent.
  • This is far lower than the global average of 1–2 per cent.
• In comparison, some mines in Canada contain uranium concentrations as high as 15 per cent.
• Because of the lower ore quality, extracting uranium in India is more expensive than importing it.
• Growing Reliance on Imports
  • 
  • Due to these limitations, more than 70 per cent of India’s uranium needs are currently met through imports.
  • However, domestic production still plays an important role.
  • It supports India’s nuclear weapons programme and provides a buffer in case global supply chains are disrupted.
• Expansion of Domestic Production
  • India is increasing domestic uranium production to support the planned expansion of nuclear energy.
  • The government aims to raise nuclear power capacity from about 9 GW today to 100 GW by 2047.
  • Despite this expansion, domestic production is expected to meet only around 30 per cent of the fuel requirements of nuclear power plants in the future.
• Rising Uranium Demand
  • India currently consumes about 1,500–2,000 tonnes of uranium each year. In 2025, the country’s requirement was about 1,884 tonnes.
  • With the expansion of nuclear power, annual uranium demand could rise to about 5,400 tonnes.
  • Even then, only around 30 per cent of this demand is likely to be met through domestic production.

Domestic Uranium Resources and Production

• India’s uranium production is mainly concentrated in Jharkhand and Andhra Pradesh, where seven mines are currently operational.
• Uranium deposits are also found in states such as Meghalaya, Rajasthan, and Telangana.
• India’s total uranium resources are estimated at about 4.3 lakh tonnes of uranium ore.
• More than 80,000 tonnes are located in mines allocated to the Uranium Corporation of India Limited (UCIL), and about 40 per cent of these reserves have already been extracted.
• Explorations are ongoing in nearly 15 states to identify new deposits.

Expanding and Diversifying India’s Uranium Supply

• New uranium supply agreements, including the recent deal with the Canadian company Cameco, aim to diversify India’s import sources and meet rising nuclear fuel demand.
• The agreement with Canada also reflects improving bilateral relations after a period of diplomatic tensions.
• Longstanding Nuclear Cooperation with Canada
  • India and Canada have had nuclear cooperation since the 1950s. One early example was the CIRUS reactor, a joint India–Canada project.
  • Canada also helped establish reactors at the Rajasthan Atomic Power Project in the 1960s.
  • Cameco has previously supplied uranium to India, including during 2020–21.
• Multiple Global Supply Sources
  • With the new agreement, India now imports uranium from several countries, including Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, Canada, and Russia.
  • Russia has also committed to long-term fuel supply for reactors at Kudankulam in Tamil Nadu.
  • India may further expand supply partnerships with countries such as Australia and the United States.
  • Indian companies are also exploring opportunities to mine uranium in other countries to strengthen long-term energy security.

India’s Three-Stage Nuclear Programme

• India aims to develop a three-stage nuclear power programme that will ultimately rely on thorium rather than uranium.
• The country possesses large thorium reserves, which makes this approach attractive for long-term energy security and independence.
• However, achieving this goal requires specialised nuclear reactors based on technologies that are proven but not yet widely used.
• First Stage: Uranium-Based Reactors - The nuclear reactors currently operating in India represent the first stage of the programme. These reactors primarily use uranium as fuel and produce plutonium as a by-product for the next stage.
• Second Stage: Fast-Breeder Reactors - The second stage involves fast-breeder reactors that use plutonium produced in the first stage. India has taken a major step toward this stage with a prototype fast-breeder reactor at Kalpakkam, which is nearing operational status.
• Third Stage: Thorium-Fuelled Reactors - The final stage aims to deploy reactors that use thorium as the main fuel. This stage is still some distance away and will require advanced technological development.
• Slow Progress Despite Early Vision
  • India conceived the three-stage nuclear programme in the 1950s and remains the only country pursuing this model.
  • However, progress has been slow, and full realisation of the programme is still a long-term objective.

Why in news?

India’s new GDP series, with 2022–23 as the base year, has introduced notable changes in the assessment of economic performance. The revised data shows more stable real GDP growth rates for the years beginning 2023–24, ranging between 7.1% and 7.6%, compared to the earlier wider range of 6.5% to 9.2%.

The updated series also indicates a 3–4% reduction in the overall size of the economy in nominal terms (Nominal GDP → Uses current market prices). However, the revision is considered reasonable and reflects a more accurate measurement of economic activity.

Importantly, the new GDP series offers a clearer picture of how different sectors of the economy are performing.

What’s in Today’s Article?

• Agriculture Sector Larger in the New GDP Series
• Reasons for the Higher Estimate
• Stronger Manufacturing Growth in the New GDP Series
• Informal Economy in the New GDP Series
• Impact on Different Sectors

Agriculture Sector Larger in the New GDP Series

• The new GDP series released by the Ministry of Statistics and Programme Implementation (MoSPI) shows that the agriculture, livestock, forestry and fishing sector is about 5% larger than previously estimated for the years starting 2022–23 in nominal terms.
• Since the overall size of the economy has been revised downward by 3–4%, agriculture’s share in GDP has increased.
• The sector’s share rose to 18.2% in 2022–23, compared with 16.5% in the earlier GDP series.
• Despite the revision, agriculture’s share in the economy continues to decline over time. In 2025–26, agriculture accounts for 16.2% of GDP in the new series, compared with 15.2% in the old series.

Reasons for the Higher Estimate

• Inclusion of More Cash Crops - The new GDP series better captures the shift toward cash crops such as fruits and vegetables. These crops generate higher profits for farmers, increasing the value added in agriculture and raising the sector’s estimated size.
• Reduced Input Costs for Farmers - The new estimates also reflect a decline in fuel costs in agriculture. Diesel use has reduced and is increasingly being replaced by electricity and solar power for irrigation. Lower input costs increase the value added generated by farmers.
• Role of the PM-KUSUM Scheme
  • A major factor behind this shift is the Pradhan Mantri Kisan Urja Suraksha evam Utthaan Mahabhiyaan (PM-KUSUM) scheme launched in 2019.
  • The scheme provides subsidies for installing solar irrigation pumps, helping farmers reduce dependence on diesel and lower energy costs.
  • This transition contributes to higher value added in the agricultural sector.

Stronger Manufacturing Growth in the New GDP Series

• The new GDP series shows that the manufacturing sector has become a stronger driver of economic growth.
• Under the old GDP series, manufacturing grew at an average rate of about 8% between 2023–24 and 2025–26, with a sharp 12.3% growth in 2023–24 largely due to a favourable base effect.
• In contrast, the new GDP series estimates manufacturing growth at an average of 11.2% annually during the same period, indicating a stronger and more consistent expansion of the sector.
• Methodological Improvements in Estimation
  • One important reason for the higher growth estimate is the abandonment of the single-deflator method, which was widely criticised for inaccurately converting nominal Gross Value Added (GVA) into real terms.
    • The single-deflator method is an economic technique used to calculate real Value Added (or GDP) by deflating nominal value added directly with a single price index, typically the output price index (e.g., WPI or CPI).
    • It assumes input and output prices move similarly, often leading to overestimation when they diverge.
  • The revised methodology provides a more accurate estimate of manufacturing output.
• Better Data on the Informal Sector
  • Improved data sources have also contributed to the revised estimates.
  • Surveys such as the Annual Survey of Unincorporated Sector Enterprises (ASUSE) and the Periodic Labour Force Survey (PLFS) now capture more information about the informal manufacturing sector.
  • This improved data coverage has helped economists estimate stronger and more consistent manufacturing growth in the new GDP series.

Informal Economy in the New GDP Series

• One major criticism of India’s earlier GDP estimates was the inaccurate measurement of the informal sector.
• The new GDP series attempts to correct this by using data from the Periodic Labour Force Survey (PLFS) and the Annual Survey of Unincorporated Sector Enterprises (ASUSE).
• These surveys reduce the earlier dependence on formal-sector proxies and provide a more realistic picture of informal economic activity.

Impact on Different Sectors

• The improved measurement of the informal economy has contributed to stronger estimates of manufacturing growth, as informal manufacturing activities are now better captured in the data.
• Decline in Estimated Size of Some Service Activities
  • However, data for some service-sector activities suggest that the size of the unorganised sector may have been overestimated earlier.
  • For example, the sector comprising trade, repair, hotels and restaurants, transport, storage, communication, and broadcasting-related services has seen its Gross Value Added (GVA) fall by nearly 25% annually between 2022–23 and 2025–26 in the revised estimates.
  • According to officials, this sector has a large informal component, and better data has led to more accurate and possibly lower estimates of its size.