Why in News?

• The Ministry of Statistics and Programme Implementation (MoSPI) is revamping the Periodic Labour Force Survey (PLFS) to improve the measurement of emerging forms of employment and unpaid work.
• The revised design will be implemented from January 2027, and the proposed changes seek to better capture digital platform workers, unpaid household and caregiving work, volunteer activities and unpaid trainee work.
• The move is significant because conventional employment statistics can understate the contribution of workers engaged in informal, platform-based and non-market activities, particularly women’s unpaid work. 

What’s in Today’s Article?

• Better Coverage of Gig and Platform Workers
• Beyond Conventional Employment Statistics
• Women’s Labour Force Participation
• Updating the Sampling Frame
• Significance of PLFS Revamp

Better Coverage of Gig and Platform Workers:

• Creating a separate sampling stratum:
  • MoSPI had begun collecting information on digital platform workers experimentally from January 2026. However, the existing sampling arrangement did not identify sufficient platform workers.
  • The revised PLFS will create a separate Second Stage Stratum (SSS) for households containing digital platform workers, thereby improving their representation in the sample.
  • An additional yes/no screening question will ask whether any household member worked through a digital platform during the preceding 365 days.
  • Platforms mentioned include Ola, Uber, Zomato, Amazon and Urban Company.
  • The information will help identify households eligible for inclusion in the new platform-worker stratum.
• Understanding the nature of platform work:
  • Identified platform workers will be asked about the goods or services provided; whether they work for multiple platforms; reasons for entering platform work; and major challenges faced.
  • These challenges may include long working hours, harsh weather conditions, uncertain earnings, accident-related risks and inadequate social security.
  • The data can help policymakers design appropriate labour protection, social-security and income-security mechanisms for the growing platform economy.
• Why it matters: A NITI Aayog estimate put India's gig and platform workforce at 77 lakh in 2020–21, projected to reach 2.35 crore by 2029–30. Better data is therefore essential for evidence-based policymaking.

Beyond Conventional Employment Statistics:

• The revised PLFS will collect information on own-use production, unpaid household and caregiving activities, volunteer work and unpaid trainee work.
• Questions will cover activities such as fetching water; cooking and cleaning; washing clothes; feeding and caring for children; caring for elderly family members; and producing goods or providing services for household consumption.
• The survey will also distinguish between activities undertaken for own consumption and those intended for sale.
• These questions will be asked to persons aged 15 years and above during the first visit in both rural and urban areas.

Women’s Labour Force Participation:

• The reform is particularly important from a gender perspective. MoSPI’s 2024 Time Use Survey found a substantial gender gap in unpaid domestic and caregiving work.
  • For example, females aged above six spent, on average, more than 4.5 hours a day on such activities, compared with only 37 minutes for males.
• The revised PLFS will additionally ask whether individuals -
  • Sought paid work or work for profit during the preceding 30 days;
  • Currently want such work; and
  • If they did not seek work, the principal reason, including family and household responsibilities.
• This can help determine whether women remain outside the labour market because of personal choice, social norms or constraints created by unpaid care responsibilities.
• Time poverty:
  • The disproportionate burden of unpaid care work can produce “time poverty”.
  • It is a shortage of discretionary time that limits women’s ability to undertake paid employment, acquire skills and pursue better economic opportunities.
  • Thus, measuring unpaid work is important not merely for household statistics but also for understanding female labour force participation, gender inequality and economic empowerment.

Updating the Sampling Frame:

• The revamped PLFS will use an updated sampling frame reflecting the new urban settlements; changes in urbanisation; creation, merger or division of districts and administrative units; etc.
• The Urban Frame Survey will inform the updated urban frame, while the rural Census 2011 frame will undergo follow-up updating.
• The revised allocation and stratification criteria are intended to improve sample selection and reduce operational difficulties.

Significance of PLFS Revamp:

• It represents a shift towards a more comprehensive measurement of employment and economic activity.
• It will -
  • Improve statistical visibility of gig and platform workers;
  • Capture the scale and nature of unpaid domestic and care work;
  • Strengthen gender-sensitive labour-market analysis;
  • Reflect changing urbanisation and population patterns; and
  • Provide evidence for policies on social security, employment generation, women’s workforce participation and the future of work.
• Overall, the reform recognises that economic contribution cannot be assessed only through conventional paid employment.
• A modern labour-statistics system must also capture the growing platform economy and the substantial unpaid work that sustains households and communities.

Why in the News?

• Recently, the Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) attributed recurring disturbances along the India-China border to Chinese forces deviating from established patrolling patterns, following the ITBP chief's remarks about ongoing face-offs at multiple locations in Arunachal Pradesh.

What’s in Today’s Article?

• India-China Border Tensions (Historical Background, Significance of LAC, Border Management)
• News Summary (Face-off in Arunachal Pradesh, Challenges & Way Forward)

Historical Background of India-China Border Relations

• India and China share an approximately 3,488-km-long disputed boundary, commonly referred to as the Line of Actual Control (LAC).
• Unlike an internationally demarcated border, the LAC reflects the areas where the two countries exercise actual control, and differences in its perception have contributed to recurring confrontations.
• The 1962 India-China war deepened mutual distrust and shaped India's approach to border security. Subsequent agreements sought to prevent escalation and maintain peace despite the unresolved boundary dispute.
• Important developments include:

• 1993 Agreement: Established principles for maintaining peace and tranquillity along the LAC.
• 1996 Agreement: Introduced confidence-building measures, including restrictions on certain military activities and weapons near the LAC.
• 2005 agreements: Further developed political principles and measures for implementing confidence-building arrangements.
• 2020 eastern Ladakh crisis: A serious military confrontation, including the Galwan Valley clash, disrupted bilateral relations and led to sustained military deployments.
• 2024 disengagement efforts: Agreements concerning patrolling arrangements in parts of eastern Ladakh supported efforts to reduce tensions, although the wider boundary dispute remained unresolved.

Strategic Significance of the LAC

• The India-China border has considerable strategic importance because of its difficult terrain, proximity to sensitive military positions and implications for regional security.
• Arunachal Pradesh is particularly significant. China claims parts of the Indian state and refers to it as “Zangnan” or southern Tibet, while India maintains that Arunachal Pradesh is an integral and inalienable part of the country.
• The LAC's differing perceptions can lead to opposing patrols entering areas claimed by both sides, creating the risk of face-offs and escalation.
• Border management therefore requires effective surveillance, infrastructure development, military preparedness and reliable communication between local commanders and diplomatic authorities.

Border Management and Confidence-Building Mechanisms

• India and China use diplomatic and military mechanisms to manage disputes and prevent local confrontations from escalating into wider conflict.
  • Corps Commander-level talks: Facilitate negotiations on troop deployments, disengagement and specific border tensions.
  • Working Mechanism for Consultation and Coordination (WMCC): Provides a diplomatic platform for discussing border affairs and coordinating efforts to maintain peace.
  • Border Personnel Meetings: Enable local military commanders to communicate directly and address incidents.
  • Diplomatic engagement: Helps clarify positions, manage disagreements and maintain channels for negotiations.
  • Confidence-building measures: Agreements and communication arrangements seek to prevent misunderstandings and reduce the risk of unintended escalation.
• These mechanisms are particularly important because the absence of a mutually agreed, clearly demarcated boundary makes local incidents difficult to resolve without sustained communication.

News Summary

• MEA spokesperson stated that disturbances along the India-China border occur when Chinese forces diverge from established patrolling patterns.
• He emphasised that both countries continue to use existing diplomatic and military mechanisms to resolve outstanding issues and prevent misunderstandings or miscalculations along the LAC.
• The MEA also reiterated that maintaining peace and tranquillity in border areas is essential for the overall development of bilateral relations.
• Both sides have agreed to discuss ways to improve their understanding of the LAC in appropriate areas to strengthen border management.

ITBP’s Shaurya Commandos and Continuing Face-offs in Arunachal Pradesh

• Indo-Tibetan Border Police (ITBP) Director General stated that the force's newly established Shaurya commando teams had performed effectively during face-offs with China's People's Liberation Army (PLA) at several locations in Arunachal Pradesh. He described the confrontations as ongoing.
• The ITBP is expanding these specialised teams across its border battalions, with the objective of developing a dedicated high-altitude combat capability.
• The force is also strengthening modernisation, drone operations and counter-drone capabilities.
• He highlighted the need to adapt to changing warfare technologies, noting that conventional methods alone may be insufficient against a modernising adversary.
• He cited increased investment in drones, drone-pilot training and indigenous drone production as important elements of the ITBP's modernisation programme.
• The remarks followed Corps Commander-level talks held in September at the Wacha–Damai border meeting point in Arunachal Pradesh amid reported tensions in the Taksing area of Upper Subansiri district.

Challenges and the Way Forward

• India's border strategy must combine operational readiness with sustained diplomatic engagement.
• Strengthen surveillance: Expand the use of drones, sensors, satellite imagery and secure communication systems.
• Improve infrastructure: Develop roads, bridges, logistics facilities and communications in border regions.
• Modernise border forces: Provide specialised high-altitude training, modern equipment and integrated drone and counter-drone capabilities.
• Maintain dialogue: Continue military and diplomatic negotiations to clarify the LAC and resolve outstanding disputes.
• Prevent escalation: Strengthen local communication and incident-management protocols to reduce the possibility of miscalculation.
• Ensure transparency: Provide accurate and timely information about significant border developments while protecting operationally sensitive details.

Context

• The Indian judiciary plays a vital role in protecting constitutional rights and promoting equality.
• However, judicial language can sometimes reinforce social prejudices that the law seeks to eliminate.
• The Supreme Court’s efforts to revise guidelines on gender-sensitive language recognise that justice requires both impartial legal reasoning and social sensitivity.
• Despite revised handbooks and judicial training, patriarchal assumptions persist, making deeper institutional and attitudinal reform essential.

The Need to Reform Judicial Language

• Chief Justice of India Surya Kant called for revising the 2024 Handbook on Combating Gender Stereotypes, describing it as too technical and Harvard-oriented in February 2026.
• This led to the revised Handbook on Judgments and Gender, published in August 2026.
• The revised handbook promotes sensitivity in judicial language and practice.
• Its analysis of 125 trial court judgments across States found that, despite improvements, outdated expressions such as real victim and the perpetuation of rape myths remained prevalent.
• Judicial language influences how victims, accused persons, and marginalised communities are perceived.
• Insensitive terminology can reinforce stereotypes, undermine dignity, and weaken public confidence in justice.
• The Supreme Court’s condemnation of an Allahabad High Court judge’s remarks in a 2025 POCSO judgment further demonstrated the consequences of gender-insensitive judicial reasoning.

Limitations of Earlier Reform Efforts

• Previous initiatives included judicial training, awareness programmes, and guidelines on appropriate terminology.
• Judges were also encouraged to consult international frameworks, including the 2022 Bangkok General Guidance for Judges on Applying a Gender Perspective in South and Southeast Asia.
• However, persistent stereotypes reveal that memorising appropriate terminology cannot eliminate deep-rooted prejudice.
• Judges may replace problematic expressions without questioning the assumptions behind their decisions.
• Effective reform must address the social attitudes and institutional practices that influence judicial reasoning.

Dealing with Insensitivity

• Justice Lalitha Kanneganti’s observation that no parent is a visitor in the life of a child illustrates the importance of examining the social context of seemingly ordinary expressions.
• Indian society traditionally regards mothers as primary caregivers, while fathers are often treated as secondary participants in childcare.
• Consequently, mothers are expected to assume immediate parenting responsibilities, while fathers are frequently viewed mainly as financial providers.
• The distinction between mothers who “take care” of children and fathers who merely “babysit” reflects deep-rooted gender stereotypes.
• Replacing “visitation” with “parenting time” challenges these assumptions by recognising fathers as active parents rather than occasional visitors.
• Parenting involves emotional engagement, everyday care, and participation in a child’s development, not merely financial maintenance.
• Judicial sensitivity must therefore go beyond changing words to questioning the social assumptions embedded in legal concepts.

The Role of the Feminist Judgments Project

• The Feminist Judgments Project seeks to expose hidden biases in judicial reasoning and promote substantive equality.
• It encourages judges to examine unequal power relationships and question apparently neutral rules that may produce discriminatory outcomes.
• Gender-sensitive judgments must consider social conventions and historical disadvantages rather than merely avoid offensive expressions.
• For example, treating mothers as default caregivers can disadvantage fathers seeking equal participation in childcare.
• Formal equality applies the same rules to everyone, whereas substantive equality recognises unequal social conditions and addresses structural disadvantages.
• A feminist perspective can help courts deliver more inclusive and equitable judgments.

Beyond Gender: Disability, Caste and Tribal Realities

• Judicial sensitivity must also encompass persons with disabilities, Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes, and other marginalised communities.
• Accessibility measures may undermine dignity if they disregard the individuality and perspectives of persons with disabilities.
• Similarly, inadequate understanding of caste discrimination and tribal histories can prevent courts from recognising structural inequalities.
• Social disadvantage is multidimensional, requiring judicial decisions to consider historical, cultural, economic, and institutional realities.
• Greater representation of women and diverse communities on the Bench can help identify biases that might otherwise remain overlooked.

The Significance of the Karnataka High Court's Decision

• The Karnataka High Court’s decision to replace visitation with parenting time in child custody cases marks a constructive step towards inclusive judicial language.
• In her October 7, 2026 order, Justice Lalitha Kanneganti recognised that parenting is a continuing responsibility rather than an occasional visit.
• The decision challenges gender stereotypes and promotes shared parental responsibility.
• However, such initiatives remain limited and context-specific.
• Their wider impact depends on whether other courts adopt similar practices and integrate sensitivity into everyday judicial decision-making.

Conclusion

• Reforming judicial language is essential to strengthening the fairness and credibility of India’s justice system.
• However, linguistic reform must accompany changes in judicial thinking. Handbooks and training programmes are useful, but cannot independently dismantle entrenched prejudices.
• The judiciary must question underlying assumptions, promote diverse representation, and recognise marginalised communities’ lived experiences.
• Ultimately, gender-sensitive justice must advance towards substantive equality so that judicial language becomes an instrument of empowerment rather than discrimination.

Why in news?

A wave of social unrest is sweeping across Europe — France, Albania, Belgium, Italy, and Portugal are all witnessing widespread street protests. As in France, where unrest began with student dissatisfaction over school facilities, many of these movements have evolved into a broader outcry over the cost-of-living crisis.

While the timing is political — with countries like France and Italy heading into 2027 national elections — the underlying drivers are predominantly economic. This raises a crucial question: what actually causes such unrest, and what are its economic consequences?

What’s in Today’s Article?

• Is Rising Inequality the Real Culprit?
• What Else Predicts Social Unrest?
• The Economic Consequences of Unrest

Is Rising Inequality the Real Culprit?

• A common explanation — including arguments made by anti-immigration voices — is that rising economic inequality fuels unrest.
• The World Inequality Report (WIR) 2026, using data through 2024, measures this via the “Income Gap” — defined as the ratio between the income share of the top 10% and the bottom 50% of a population. A higher ratio means greater inequality.
• Findings for France: The income gap has increased between 2014 and 2024 — similarly for Italy.
• However, this trend isn’t universal: In the UK, Germany, and Spain, the income gap has actually fallen over the same period.
• Crucially, France’s inequality is still comparatively low: Its income gap remains among the lowest among peers like Germany. For context, India’s income gap is 38, and South Africa’s is 118 — far higher than France’s.
• Conclusion: Rising inequality in France is real, but it is not exceptionally severe by global standards — suggesting inequality alone is an incomplete explanation.

What Else Predicts Social Unrest?

• IMF economists noted: “Although inequality has crept up slowly in recent decades, it has not significantly worsened over the past decade in a way that would explain the recent surge of discontent.”
• IMF researchers used machine learning on over 340 economic and social indicators to identify unrest predictors. Their central finding:
  • Past turmoil — both domestic and in neighbouring countries — is by far the most important predictor of future unrest, roughly 10 times more informative than any economic or social factor.
• The Bank Run Analogy: Just as people rush to withdraw deposits when they see others doing so, visible protests elsewhere act as “coordinating signals” — encouraging people to join in, especially in culturally similar neighbouring countries.
• Other Predictive Factors Identified: Digital access and social media penetration — suggesting that the ability to communicate and coordinate at scale is crucial for mobilising protest activity.
• That said, economic factors aren’t irrelevant — researchers noted “prices, particularly of food and fuel, seem to be particularly important” as triggers.

The Economic Consequences of Unrest

• While economic factors may not be the biggest predictor of unrest, they play a much larger role in its aftermath:
  • IMF economists found a close link between unrest and subsequent economic performance.
  • Key finding: On average, major unrest events are followed by a 1 percentage point reduction in GDP, measured six quarters after the event.
• Nature of Unrest Matters
  • Unrest driven by socioeconomic factors leads to sharper GDP contractions than unrest driven by purely political motives.
  • Unrest triggered by a combination of both socioeconomic and political factors produces the sharpest GDP contractions of all.

Conclusion

Europe’s protests tell us something simple: inequality alone doesn’t explain unrest. Economic grievances, especially rising food and fuel prices, do play a role. But they are not the main trigger.

Often, it is the sight of protests elsewhere that pushes people to join in. Digital connectivity speeds this up. Once unrest begins, though, its economic cost is real. GDP falls the most when economic and political causes mix together. This leaves governments in a tough spot.

Fixing cost-of-living problems may not stop unrest from spreading. But ignoring them only deepens the economic damage that follows.

Why in news?

Elections to 28 seats across the Legislative Councils of Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Maharashtra, and Karnataka were held recently. Unlike elections for Members of Legislative Assemblies (MLAs), not every adult citizen can vote for Members of Legislative Councils (MLCs) — and not all states even have a Legislative Council.

This raises a fundamental constitutional question: why does this body exist, and what role does it play in India’s political system?

What’s in Today’s Article?

• What Are Legislative Councils?
• Similarities With the Rajya Sabha
• The Constituent Assembly Debate
• Political Significance of MLC Elections
• How MLCs Are Elected: The Composition Formula

What Are Legislative Councils?

• Just as the Indian Union has a bicameral Parliament (Lok Sabha + Rajya Sabha), some states have a bicameral legislature — a Legislative Assembly plus a Legislative Council.
• Currently six states have Legislative Councils: Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Maharashtra, Karnataka, Telangana, and Andhra Pradesh.
• Colonial Origins
  • Traces back to the Montagu-Chelmsford reforms, which created the Council of State at the national level in 1919.
  • The Government of India Act, 1935 established bicameral legislatures in provinces.
  • The first Legislative Council began functioning in Bengal in 1937.

Similarities With the Rajya Sabha

• Acts as a “second layer” of deliberation in the law-making process.
• Bills require its approval to become law.
• Minimum age to contest: above 30 years (versus 25 for Lok Sabha/Assembly elections).
• Members serve six-year terms via indirect elections.
• Cannot be dissolved; one-third of members retire every two years.

The Constituent Assembly Debate

• Views on the need for Legislative Councils were sharply divided.
• Leaders argued for a check on the Lower House, citing concerns about placing all power “in the hands of those... not only literate but wise too.” (His reasoning reflected the era’s elitist anxieties about universal adult franchise.)
• Critics pointed out the Council’s limited powers — notably, it cannot reject the Assembly’s decisions on a Money Bill — questioning whether a body with such restricted authority justified the added public expenditure.
• The debate over whether to have a Council at all remains politically contentious even today: Tamil Nadu’s AIADMK government abolished its Council in 1986; the DMK has since repeatedly sought to revive it.

Political Significance of MLC Elections

• Though not contested on party symbols, candidates are still backed by political parties.
• These elections function as a political barometer — signalling party strength among educated groups and professionals, or indicating overall political standing ahead of major elections (as seen currently in Uttar Pradesh).

Constitutional Framework: How Councils Are Created and Composed

• Article 169: Parliament can create or abolish a Legislative Council if the state’s Legislative Assembly passes a resolution by:
  • A majority of total Assembly membership, and
  • A majority of at least two-thirds of members present and voting.
• Article 171 — Composition rules:
  • Total MLCs cannot exceed one-third of the state’s total MLAs.
  • Total MLCs cannot be fewer than 40.

How MLCs Are Elected: The Composition Formula

• Elections use proportional representation via the single transferable vote, with electors ranking candidates by preference. The composition breaks down as:
  • One-third: Elected by municipalities, district boards, and other local authorities.
  • One-twelfth: Elected by graduates (minimum 3 years as a university graduate, or equivalent qualification) residing in the state — the “Graduates’ constituency.”
  • One-twelfth: Elected by teachers with at least 3 years of teaching experience in institutions of secondary school level or above — the “Teachers’ constituency.”
  • Remaining members: Partly elected by MLAs themselves, and partly nominated by the Governor, chosen for “special knowledge or practical experience” in fields like literature, science, art, and social service.

Conclusion

The Legislative Council remains one of India’s more underexamined constitutional institutions — a colonial-era holdover retained in only a handful of states, serving as a deliberative check rather than a co-equal legislative power.

While it lacks the Rajya Sabha’s robust authority — most notably on Money Bills — its unique functional constituencies for graduates and teachers reflect an attempt to bring specialised, non-partisan expertise into lawmaking.

As debates over its utility continue in states like Tamil Nadu, the Council’s survival ultimately hinges on a political calculation: whether the value of deliberative scrutiny outweighs the cost of maintaining a second chamber with limited veto power.

About Colorado River:

• It is a major river of North America.
• The name "Colorado" comes from Spanish and means "colored reddish." This is because the river used to carry a lot of silt, which made its water look red.
• Origin:
  • It rises in the Rocky Mountains of Colorado, United States.
  • Colorado forms an international boundary between Arizona (US) and Mexico and drains North America’s vast semi-arid and arid area.
• The intensive development along the river has earned it the name “Lifeline of the Southwest.”
• Lakes: It forms several major reservoirs, including Lake Mead and Lake Powell.
• Tributaries:
  • It has several tributaries, including Green, Gunnison, San Juan, Dolores, Little Colorado, Gila, and Virgin Rivers.
  • The Green River is the longest river feeding into the Colorado River.
• One of the Colorado River’s most famous features is the Grand Canyon, which it carved over millions of years.
  • Grand Canyon landscape is a UNESCO World Heritage Site and a major tourist attraction.
• The river also flows through Canyonlands National Park and Horseshoe Bend in Arizona.
• Major Dams:
  • Hoover Dam is an arched dam.
    • It is one of the world’s highest dams and one of the largest concrete dams in volume.
    • It holds back Lake Mead, one of the world’s greatest reservoirs.
• Parker Dam: It is the deepest dam on earth.
• Glen Canyon Dam: It created one of the biggest reservoirs in the United States, known as Lake Powell.

About Centre for Research on Energy and Clean Air (CREA):

• It is an independent, non-profit research organisation focused on revealing the trends, causes, and health impacts, as well as the solutions, to air pollution.
• It is based in Helsinki, Finland.
• CREA uses scientific data, research, and evidence to support the efforts of governments, companies, and campaigning organisations worldwide in their efforts to move towards clean energy and clean air.
• CREA investigates the sources and trends of health-harming pollutants, particularly those resulting from fossil fuel combustion, which cause millions of premature deaths annually.
• The NGO produces regular publications and data products addressing topics such as coal phase-out, industrial emissions, and the environmental impacts of energy production.
• CREA’s research also covers geopolitical issues, such as the financing of fossil fuel imports during conflicts.
• Its works are funded through philanthropic grants and revenue from commissioned research.

About Charles Correa Gold Medal:

• It is an annual award initiated in 1998 by the Indian architect and urbanist Charles Correa.
• The medal recognises quality and talent among young students of architecture for their undergraduate thesis project in a first professional degree course.
• The Charles Correa Foundation (CCF) administers the Gold Medal annually.
• Eligibility: Final-year students pursuing undergraduate professional degree at eligible Indian architecture colleges.
• Selection:
  • Participating colleges nominate one student’s individual thesis project.
  • The student must be the sole author of the project. Group work is not permitted.
  • A jury of eminent architects reviews the submissions and identifies an outstanding student who will be awarded the Medal.
  • The applicant college of architecture must be located in India and approved by the Council of Architecture (COA).
  • Initially the award was open only to Mumbai and Goa architecture colleges, but from 2022 forward, CCF invites all colleges across India.
• From 2025 to 2027, the medal focuses on thesis projects that address ‘Equitability through Design’.

Who was Charles Correa?

• He was a renowned Indian architect and urban planner.
• He was credited with the creation of modern architecture in post-Independence India.
• Understanding the needs of the urban poor, Correa used traditional methods and materials to plan the urban designs.
• In the majority of his designs, he applied for the 'open-to-sky' concept.
• His major projects include the Mahatma Gandhi Memorial at the Sabarmati Ashram, National Crafts Museum in New Delhi, Bharat Bhavan in Bhopal, Jawahar Kala Kendra in Jaipur, and the British Council in Delhi.
• He was one of the chief architects of Navi Mumbai.
• His work also includes projects in townships and public housing projects in Delhi, Mumbai, Ahmedabad, Bengaluru (Bangalore), and other cities in India.
• In 1984 he founded the Urban Design Research Institute in Mumbai, and a year later he became Chairman of the National Commission for Urbanisation.
• Awards and Recognitions:
  • He was awarded the second highest civilian honour, the Padma Shri in 1972 and the Padma Vibhushan in 2006.
  • He was also honoured with the 1984 Royal Gold Medal by the Royal Institute of British Architects (RIBA).
  • He was acclaimed as “India’s greatest architect” by RIBA when it mounted an exhibition on him in 2013.

About Akash Missile System:

• It is a short-range surface-to-air missile (SAM) system.
• It is designed to protect vulnerable areas, points and assets from a range of aerial threats, including fighter aircraft, cruise missiles, drones, and helicopters.
• It was indigenously designed and developed by India’s Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO) and is produced by Hyderabad-based Bharat Dynamics Ltd. (BDL).
• It was developed under India’s Integrated Guided Missile Development Programme (IGMDP).
  • The programme also involved the development of the Nag, Agni, and Trishul missiles, as well as the Prithvi ballistic missile.
• It is currently in service with the Indian Air Force (IAF) and the Indian Army.
• Akash is distinguished from adjacent systems within India's tiered air-defence grid.
  • It occupies the medium-range layer, below the long-range S-400 Triumf acquired from Russia and the indigenous-Israeli Barak-8/MR-SAM, and above short-range systems such as the quick-reaction surface-to-air missiles (QRSAM) and the man-portable point-defence weapons.
• Features:
  • The system features a launcher, a missile, a control centre, an integral mission guidance system, a multifunctional fire control radar, a system arming and explosion mechanism, a digital autopilot, C4I (command, control, communication, and intelligence) centres, and supporting ground equipment.
  • It features a solid-fuel, ramjet propulsion system, capable of reaching speeds of Mach 2.5 to 3.5 (up to 4,200 km/h).
  • It covers a range of 5 km to 25 km and can engage aerial threats flying between 100 meters and 20 kilometers in altitude.
  • It can simultaneously engage multiple targets in Group Mode or Autonomous Mode.
  • Its sophisticated Rajendra radar can track numerous targets and guide multiple missiles concurrently.
  • It is fully automatic, features built-in electronic counter measures, and is mobile across different terrains.
• Variants:
  • Akash-1S: Incorporates an indigenous radio-frequency (RF) seeker for improved terminal accuracy, moving away from pure command guidance.
  • Akash Prime: Upgraded RF seeker and optimised for high-altitude, low-temperature operation, addressing performance gaps observed in mountainous theatres.
  • Akash-NG (New Generation): Introduces an active electronically scanned array (AESA) multifunction radar, an active RF seeker, a canisterised launcher, and extended range.

About Kamala Hydroelectric Project:

• Kamala Hydroelectric Project (formerly Subansiri Middle Hydroelectric Project) is a 1,720 MW hydroelectric project planned on the Kamala River (a major tributary of the Subansiri River) in Arunachal Pradesh‘s Kamle district.
• It is a storage-based scheme with a flood moderation component.
• The project involves construction of concrete gravity dam and an underground powerhouse.
• In addition to power generation, the project also envisaged to provide flood relief in the Brahmaputra valley.
• The project will be implemented on a Build-Own-Operate-Transfer (BOOT) basis through a joint venture company with 74% equity by NHPC and 26% by the Govt of Arunachal Pradesh (GoAP).
• The project is proposed to be financed with a debt-equity ratio of 70:30, supported by Government of India grants for enabling infrastructure (Rs 1,340 crore) and flood moderation component (Rs 4,743.98 crore), along with 100% SGST reimbursement by GoAP.
• The State will receive 12% free power and an additional 1% earmarked for the Local Area Development Fund (LADF).