Why in news?

The Supreme Court permitted the withdrawal of life-sustaining treatment for Harish Rana, a 32-year-old man who has been in a vegetative state since 2013 after a severe head injury.

This marks the first Indian court order approving passive euthanasia in such a case.

A bench of Justices J. B. Pardiwala and K. V. Vishwanathan allowed the withdrawal of medical treatment, including clinically assisted nutrition, being provided to Rana. The Court directed AIIMS to implement a palliative end-of-life care plan, ensuring that his final stage is managed with comfort and dignity.

What’s in Today’s Article?

• Background of the Case
• Legal Position on Euthanasia in India
• Supreme Court’s Rulings on Euthanasia in India

Background of the Case

• Harish Rana has been in a vegetative state since 2013 following a fall that caused severe head injuries.
• In 2024, his father approached the Delhi High Court seeking permission to withdraw life-sustaining treatment.
• The High Court rejected the plea, stating that Rana was not terminally ill.
• The family subsequently approached the Supreme Court, which reconsidered the case based on medical assessments.
• In 2025, the Supreme Court constituted primary and secondary medical boards to assess Rana’s condition.
• Both boards concluded that his condition was irreversible with negligible chances of recovery, supporting the decision to withdraw treatment.
• Court’s Ethical Perspective
  • The Supreme Court emphasised that the decision was not about ending life but about avoiding the artificial prolongation of life without hope of recovery.
  • It described the case as lying at the intersection of love, loss, medicine, and compassion, stressing that dignity must guide end-of-life decisions.

Legal Position on Euthanasia in India

• India distinguishes between assisted dying (active euthanasia) and withdrawal of life-sustaining treatment (passive euthanasia), with different legal implications.
• Assisted Dying and Criminal Liability
  • Assisted dying involves intentionally causing death through methods such as a lethal injection.
  • In India, this is illegal and may amount to culpable homicide under the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita.
  • If a doctor assists a patient in ending their life, it may also attract criminal liability for abetment to suicide.
  • Attempted suicide remains an offence, although courts have emphasised the need for care and support rather than punishment.
• Passive Euthanasia and the Right to Dignity
  • Passive euthanasia refers to withdrawing or withholding life-sustaining treatment, allowing the illness or injury to take its natural course.
  • The Supreme Court has treated this differently because it does not actively cause death but ends medical intervention that artificially prolongs life.
• Constitutional Basis
  • The legal framework stems from Article 21 of the Constitution, which guarantees the right to life.
  • The Supreme Court has interpreted this right to include the right to live with dignity, which also extends to dignity in end-of-life decisions.
  • For terminally ill patients or those in a persistent vegetative state, the Court has recognised the right to refuse invasive or futile medical treatment, allowing them to avoid unnecessary suffering when recovery is unlikely.

Supreme Court’s Rulings on Euthanasia in India

• The Supreme Court’s decision permitting the withdrawal of treatment for Harish Rana marks the first practical application of India’s passive euthanasia framework, which has largely evolved through judicial rulings on end-of-life decisions.
• Aruna Shanbaug Case (2011): Foundation of Passive Euthanasia
  • In Aruna Ramchandra Shanbaug v. Union of India (2011), the Supreme Court laid down the initial framework for passive euthanasia.
  • The Court reaffirmed its earlier ruling in Gian Kaur v. State of Punjab (1996) that Article 21 does not recognise a general “right to die.”
  • Active euthanasia or assisted dying remained illegal.
  • However, the Court recognised that the right to live with dignity may, in certain situations, include the right to die with dignity, particularly for patients in a terminal condition or persistent vegetative state.
• Distinction Between Active and Passive Euthanasia
  • The Court clarified an important distinction:
    • Active euthanasia (assisted dying): Actively causing death; remains illegal.
    • Passive euthanasia: Withdrawing or withholding life-sustaining treatment; may be permitted in limited circumstances.
• Guidelines Laid Down in the Shanbaug Case
• Since no law existed on euthanasia at the time, the Court created interim guidelines:
  • The request for withdrawal of treatment could be made by family members, doctors, or a “next friend” acting in the patient’s best interest.
  • Approval from the High Court was required.
  • A two-judge bench would decide the case after consulting a committee of three doctors.
• Despite setting guidelines, the Court did not allow withdrawal of treatment in Shanbaug’s case, noting that she still showed signs of life and the hospital staff caring for her opposed the request.
• Common Cause Case (2018): Recognition of Right to Die with Dignity
  • In Common Cause v. Union of India (2018), a Constitution Bench expanded the legal framework.
  • Key rulings included:
    • The right to die with dignity is part of Article 21 (Right to Life).
    • Withdrawal or withholding of life-sustaining treatment is permissible because it allows the natural process of death to occur.
    • The Court recognised Advance Medical Directives (living wills), allowing individuals to specify in advance whether they want life-prolonging treatment.
• Practical Difficulties in Implementation
• The 2018 framework had complex safeguards, including:
  • Advance directives signed by two witnesses and countersigned by a judicial magistrate.
  • Multiple approvals from medical boards and authorities.
• These procedures made implementation difficult.
• Simplification of the Process in 2023
  • In 2023, the Supreme Court simplified the process for passive euthanasia.
  • Key changes included:
    • Advance Directives can now be attested before a notary or gazetted officer.
    • They can be stored in digital health records.
    • Hospitals must form two medical boards (primary and secondary) with experienced doctors.
    • The Collector’s role and mandatory magistrate visits were removed, though hospitals must still inform the magistrate before withdrawing treatment.
  • As of March 2026, the Parliament of India has not enacted a comprehensive, dedicated law governing euthanasia or end-of-life care, relying instead on evolving guidelines established by the Supreme Court of India.

Context:

• India’s development narrative is shifting from women’s development to women-led development, where women are seen not merely as beneficiaries of welfare schemes but as active leaders shaping the nation’s progress.
• Women’s empowerment, or Nari Shakti, is increasingly driving India’s growth, particularly in knowledge-based sectors such as STEM (Science, Technology, Engineering and Mathematics), which are crucial for achieving the vision of a Viksit Bharat.
• This article highlights India’s transition from women’s development to women-led development, focusing on the growing participation of women in education, STEM fields, research, and innovation as key drivers of the Viksit Bharat 2047 vision.

Strengthening Girls’ Education in STEM

• India has strengthened the foundation for women in science through greater access to education and improved school participation.
• The Gender Parity Index has reached 1.0 at foundational, preparatory and middle levels, and 1.1 at the secondary level, indicating equal or higher participation of girls compared to boys.
• Declining dropout rates show better student retention.
• Initiatives such as early skill development programmes and Atal Tinkering Labs provide practical exposure to technology and innovation, encouraging girls to pursue STEM fields from an early stage.

Rising Female Participation in Higher Education

• India’s higher education sector has expanded significantly, with institutions increasing from 51,534 to over 60,000 and enrolment rising from 3.42 crore to 4.46 crore since 2014–15.
• Women have played a key role in this growth, with female enrolment increasing from 1.57 crore to 2.18 crore and the Female Gross Enrolment Ratio rising from 22.9 to 30.2, indicating steady progress in women’s access to higher education.

Growing Participation of Women in STEM

• Women’s participation in STEM education in India has increased significantly, accounting for 43% of total enrolment in higher education, one of the highest shares globally.
• However, women represent 18.6% of the national R&D workforce, highlighting the need to strengthen the transition from education to research careers.
• Policy initiatives such as supernumerary seats for women in IITs and NITs have improved their representation from below 10% a decade ago to over 20% in recent years.

Rising Participation of Women in Research

• Women’s involvement in academic research in India has increased significantly.
• Postgraduate enrolment rose from 19.8 lakh in 2014–15 to 32 lakh in 2022–23, while doctoral enrolment increased from about 47,000 to over 1.12 lakh, reflecting a growth of more than 135%.
• Increasing Representation in STEM Research
  • Women accounted for over 53% of STEM fellows under the UGC NET–Junior Research Fellowship in 2024–25, with 7,293 of the 13,727 recipients pursuing doctoral research.
  • This indicates growing female participation in advanced research fields.
• Women in the National R&D Ecosystem
  • Within India’s research and development ecosystem, about 45.87% of women researchers work in government institutions, 27.62% in higher education, and 26.51% in industry, showing their expanding presence across sectors.

Policy Support and Fellowships

• Government initiatives have strengthened women’s participation in research.
• The Prime Minister’s Research Fellowship has supported over 3,500 scholars, including 35% women, and aims to fund 10,000 fellowships in the next five years.
• The Anusandhan National Research Foundation further supports the expansion of India’s research ecosystem.
• Government initiatives, including the Union Budget 2026 proposal to establish safe and affordable hostels for girls pursuing STEM education, aim to encourage more women to build careers in science.
• As emerging fields such as artificial intelligence, quantum technology, and data science grow, women’s participation will be crucial for strengthening India’s innovation ecosystem.

Women at the Core of the Viksit Bharat Vision

• As India moves towards becoming a Viksit Bharat by 2047, women are expected to play a leading role in this transformation.
• With increasing participation across sectors and emerging technologies, Nari Shakti will drive India’s knowledge economy and development journey.

Why in the News?

• India recently released a revised GDP series with 2022-23 as the base year, which shows a modest reduction in the estimated size of the economy and changes in sectoral composition.

What’s in Today’s Article?

• About GDP (Concept, Importance of Revising the Base Year, GDP Revision, Key Findings of New GDP Series, Changes, Economic Implications)

Understanding Gross Domestic Product (GDP)

• Gross Domestic Product is the most widely used measure of the size and performance of an economy.
• It represents the total value of all final goods and services produced within a country during a given year, after accounting for intermediate inputs.
• GDP estimates are compiled using large datasets on production, prices, consumption, and investment. These calculations follow the global standards prescribed by the United Nations System of National Accounts (UNSNA).
• In India, the National Statistical Office (NSO) prepares the National Accounts Statistics (NAS), which include GDP estimates, national income, savings, and investment indicators.
• Since economies evolve over time, statistical methods and data sources also change. To reflect these changes accurately, the base year used for calculating GDP is revised periodically.

Importance of Revising the Base Year

• The base year is the reference year used to measure economic growth and price changes.
• Revising the base year is necessary for several reasons:

• It incorporates new economic activities and sectors that may not have existed earlier.
• It updates data sources and statistical methods used to estimate production.
• It reflects changes in the structure of the economy, including shifts in sectoral contributions.
• It improves the accuracy and reliability of economic statistics.

• Typically, countries revise their GDP base year every five to ten years. In India, the previous revision took place in 2015 with 2011-12 as the base year. The latest revision introduces 2022-23 as the new base year, after a gap of more than a decade.

Background to the GDP Revision

• The earlier GDP series with base year 2011-12 had generated significant debate among economists and policymakers.
• Several analysts argued that the growth rates reported under this series were unusually high and not fully consistent with other economic indicators.
• For example, manufacturing growth in the 2011-12 series appeared stronger than suggested by alternative data sources. In addition, the estimated contribution of the private corporate sector to GDP was significantly larger than in previous estimates.
• These concerns led to questions about the reliability of India’s national accounts statistics.
• The issue gained further attention when the International Monetary Fund (IMF) reviewed the quality of economic statistics across countries and assigned India a ‘C’ grade for the quality of its national accounts data.
• Against this background, the release of the new GDP series was widely anticipated.

Key Findings of the New GDP Series

• The revised GDP series introduces several notable changes in India’s economic estimates.
• Reduction in the Size of GDP
  • The new estimates show that the absolute size of India’s GDP is about 3-4% smaller compared with estimates based on the previous series.
  • This result is somewhat surprising because base-year revisions usually increase GDP by capturing previously unrecorded activities.
  • However, economists argue that the reduction may reflect a correction of earlier overestimations in the 2011-12 series.
• Similar Growth Rates
  • Despite the reduction in the overall size of the economy, the annual GDP growth rates under the new series remain broadly similar to those in the previous series, differing by roughly one percentage point.
  • This suggests that while the level of GDP has changed, the overall growth trend of the economy remains largely unchanged.

Changes in the Structure of the Economy

• Agriculture and Industry
  • The share of agriculture and industry in GDP has increased compared with the previous series.
  • This indicates that these sectors may have been underestimated earlier or that new datasets have improved their measurement.
• Services Sector
  • At the same time, the share of the services sector has declined slightly under the revised estimates.
  • Although services continue to dominate India’s economy, the revision suggests a somewhat more balanced sectoral structure.
• Manufacturing Sector
  • The manufacturing sector’s share has increased slightly from 14.3% to 14.7% of GDP.
  • However, the absolute size of manufacturing output has declined by about 1.5-1.6% compared with earlier estimates.
  • This finding is significant because manufacturing performance has been a major subject of economic debate in India.

Changes in Institutional Sector Contributions

• The revised GDP estimates also alter the distribution of economic activity among institutional sectors.
• One important change concerns the non-financial private corporate sector (PCS).
• The PCS share in GDP has declined from 35.4% to about 33.9% in 2022-23, with an even larger reduction in the following year.
• This is noteworthy because the size of the private corporate sector had increased sharply in the previous revision, which had raised questions among economists.
• Meanwhile, the household or informal sector’s share has increased slightly, partly due to improved measurement of agricultural activity.

Economic Implications of the Revision

• Impact on Economic Targets
  • With the revised GDP level being slightly smaller, the timeline for achieving ambitious economic targets, such as becoming a $5 trillion economy, may be extended.
• Better Statistical Accuracy
  • If the revision corrects earlier overestimations, it may lead to a more realistic understanding of India’s economic performance.
• Need for Greater Transparency
  • Economists emphasise that more detailed methodological explanations are needed to fully evaluate the reliability of the revised GDP series.
  • Without transparency in data sources and statistical methods, debates about GDP accuracy may continue.

Context:

• The release of a new GDP series with revised growth estimates has renewed debate about the state of the Indian economy.
• While the revised figures reinforce the narrative of India as the “fastest-growing major economy,” economists argue that excessive emphasis on GDP growth masks a critical issue — persistently high unemployment, especially among youth.

New GDP Series and the “Double-Deflation” Method:

• Key methodological change:
  • The latest GDP estimates adopt the double-deflation method for calculating Gross Value Added (GVA).
  • This method separately deflates output and input prices, giving a more accurate measure of real production.
• Revisions in growth estimates:
  • The 2024–25 growth rate is revised upwards slightly, reinforcing growth optimism, while the 2023–24 growth rate is significantly revised downward.
  • Despite revisions, India continues to be portrayed as the fastest-growing major economy globally.
• Critical observation: While methodological improvements are welcome, the policy discourse remains disproportionately focused on production (GDP) rather than employment generation.

Unemployment - The Understated Indicator:

• Rising unemployment trends:
  • Data from surveys such as the Periodic Labour Force Survey (PLFS) indicate that unemployment remains higher than historical benchmarks.
  • For example, unemployment Rate (Current Weekly Status) in 2011-12 was 3.7%, while it stands at an average of 5.2% (in the 10 months before Jan 2026).
  • 2011-12 serves as a reasonable benchmark since the effects of the 2008 Global Financial Crisis and the Mukherjee Stimulus had largely subsided.
  • Since then, unemployment has remained consistently higher, though it has moderated slightly in recent years.
• Youth unemployment:
  • The situation is more severe for young people (15–29 years). For example, the youth unemployment rate (Usual Status) in 2011-12 was 7.7%, while it reached 10.2% 2023-24.
  • This indicates that economic growth has not translated proportionately into job creation, pointing to the phenomenon of “jobless growth.”

Inflation Trends - Policy or Agricultural Luck?

• Official narrative: The Economic Survey claims that government policies have pushed the growth frontier, and tamed and anchored inflation.
• Alternative explanation: Evidence suggests that the decline in inflation may not primarily be due to monetary policy.
• Role of agriculture:
  • Food prices, a major component of inflation, largely determine the inflation trajectory.
  • The agricultural growth in 2024-25 was 4.2%, an unusually strong performance.
  • Higher agricultural output reduces food price inflation, thereby lowering overall inflation.
• Key issue: It remains unclear whether the current low inflation is the result of policy intervention, or favourable agricultural conditions (benign monsoon, natural factors).

Selective Presentation of Economic Indicators:

• A key criticism concerns the asymmetry in official communication. For example,
  • The Economic Survey presents detailed inflation data from 2011 onwards, highlighting its decline.
  • However, unemployment data for the same period is not similarly emphasised.
• If comparable unemployment data were presented, it would reveal that unemployment today remains higher than historic levels, contradicting the optimistic narrative of economic performance.

Methodological Puzzle in Unemployment Data:

• An unusual pattern emerges from PLFS data. During 2020-21 (COVID-19 pandemic), though the GDP contracted by ~7%, unemployment declined.
• Global comparison: In countries like the United States, unemployment surged during the pandemic despite a smaller GDP contraction.
• Implication: This anomaly suggests a need for greater methodological scrutiny and clarification from the National Statistical Office (NSO) to enhance credibility of unemployment data.

Key Challenges and Way Forward:

• Overemphasis on GDP growth: As the primary economic indicator.
  • Reorient economic policy towards employment: Shift focus from growth-centric policy to employment-intensive growth.
• Persistent unemployment: Particularly among youth.
  • Promote labour-intensive sectors: Such as manufacturing (especially MSMEs), construction, agro-processing, and labour-intensive exports such as textiles and footwear.
• Jobless growth: Where production increases without proportional employment generation.
  • Strengthen agricultural productivity: Sustained agricultural growth helps control food inflation and supports rural employment.
• Selective economic narrative: Highlighting favourable indicators while downplaying others.
  • Balanced economic monitoring: Economic assessment should give equal importance to GDP growth, inflation, and employment.
• Data credibility concerns: Due to unexplained statistical patterns.
  • Improve labour market data: Greater transparency in PLFS methodology. Clarification of anomalies such as declining unemployment during economic contraction.

Conclusion:

• India’s strong GDP growth narrative does not fully capture the realities of the labour market.
• While methodological improvements in GDP estimation strengthen economic statistics, persistent unemployment — particularly among youth — remains a critical concern.
• A sustainable economic strategy must therefore move beyond celebrating growth figures and prioritise employment generation, data transparency, and balanced policy evaluation.
• Only then can India’s growth translate into broad-based economic well-being and inclusive development.

Context

• The celebration of International Women’s Day on March 8 highlights the achievements and struggles of women across sectors.
• In the same spirit, the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) declared the International Year of the Woman Farmer, drawing attention to the vital yet often unrecognized role of women in agriculture.
• In India, women form a backbone, pillar, and essential workforce of the agricultural economy, contributing significantly to crop cultivation, livestock rearing, and agricultural labour.
• Despite this central role, women farmers remain undercounted, underpaid, and economically marginalized.

The Challenge of Counting Women Workers

• Accurate measurement of women’s participation in agriculture remains difficult due to the informal nature of rural economies.
• Much of women’s labour is home-based, seasonal, intermittent, and closely linked with care work, making it difficult for surveys to capture their actual contribution.
• Many women perform multiple tasks such as childcare, animal care, and farm work within a single day, which often leads to their labour being unreported.
• Nevertheless, available data indicates a rise in rural women’s workforce participation. Among rural women aged 15 and above, participation increased from 35% in 2011–12 to 46.5% in 2023–24.

The Scale of Women’s Participation in Agriculture

• Crop Production
  • Women play a critical role in crop production. Field studies conducted by the Foundation for Agrarian Studies show that women contribute a substantial share of labour in farming activities.
  • In several villages across Tamil Nadu and Uttar Pradesh, women accounted for about one-third of family labour in crop cultivation.
  • When both family and hired labour are combined, women’s contribution becomes even more prominent.
  • In some villages, women represented more than half of the total agricultural labour, reaching up to 61% in certain regions.
  • These patterns illustrate the dependence of farming systems on women’s labour and their active involvement in sowing, transplanting, weeding, and other farm operations.
• Livestock Rearing
  • The livestock sector is one of the fastest-growing segments of agriculture and relies heavily on women’s labour.
  • Activities such as feeding animals, collecting fodder, cleaning sheds, and milking are largely performed by women within rural households.
  • Households that own milch cattle almost always involve women in daily livestock care.
  • With nearly 40 million rural households owning milch animals, millions of women spend several hours each day performing livestock-related tasks.
  • Despite their continuous labour, women rarely receive direct financial recognition or economic compensation for these contributions.
• Agricultural Wage Labour
  • Women also participate as casual wage labourers in agricultural operations.
  • However, mechanisation and changes in agricultural practices have reduced the overall demand for manual labour, particularly affecting women workers.
  • The share of women in casual agricultural labour varies across regions but remains substantial in many villages.
  • Women workers often come from manual labour households or small peasant families, where agricultural wage work is essential for household survival and livelihood security.

Persistent Challenges Faced by Women Workers

• Inequality in Wages and Earnings
  • Despite their extensive participation, women agricultural workers receive low wages, limited earnings, and face a significant gender wage gap.
  • In many rural regions, women earn less than ₹300 per day for agricultural work.
  • In some areas, women’s wages are less than half of men’s wages, demonstrating strong wage inequality.
  • National statistics reveal a similar pattern: the average daily wage for women in agricultural tasks such as sowing and weeding is approximately ₹384, with variations across states.
  • Even where wages are higher, inflation-adjusted earnings have shown little improvement over the past decade.
• Structural Inequality and Lack of Asset Ownership
  • A major structural barrier is the limited ownership of productive assets, especially agricultural land.
  • Although women constitute nearly half of the agricultural workforce, only about 10% of rural women own land.
  • Without land ownership, women face restrictions in accessing institutional credit, government schemes, agricultural subsidies, and decision-making power within farming households.
  • This lack of ownership reinforces patterns of economic dependency and gender inequality. 

Conclusion

• Women sustain India’s agricultural economy through their extensive involvement in crop farming, livestock management, and rural labour markets.
• Their work supports food production, household livelihoods, and the broader rural economy. Yet their contributions remain largely invisible, undervalued, and poorly compensated.
• Addressing these inequalities requires improved data collection, recognition of women as farmers and workers, expansion of fair wages, and greater access to land ownership and economic rights.
• Strengthening these measures is essential for achieving inclusive rural development, ensuring gender equity, and acknowledging the vital role women play in sustaining India’s agricultural system.