Why in the News?

• A working paper by World Resources Institute (WRI) India has found that open waste burning across Indian cities rises sharply in winter, with incidence, quantity burned and associated emissions as much as three times higher than in summer.

What’s in Today’s Article?

• About Open Waste Burning
• News Summary (Key Findings of the Report by WRI, Significance, Way Forward)

About Open Waste Burning

• Open waste burning refers to the uncontrolled burning of municipal solid waste in the open, on streets, near dumpsites, in vacant plots or at collection points, rather than through regulated disposal or treatment.
• It typically occurs where waste collection is irregular or absent, leaving residents and informal workers to dispose of accumulated garbage by setting it alight.
• The practice releases a mix of pollutants, including particulate matter (PM2.5 and PM10), carbon monoxide, dioxins and furans, depending on the composition of the waste. Plastics, rubber and treated materials produce particularly toxic emissions.
• Open burning of solid waste is prohibited under the Solid Waste Management Rules, 2016, which place responsibility on urban local bodies for door-to-door collection, segregation and scientific disposal.

News Summary

• The study is based on field surveys conducted between 2019 and 2026 across 11 polluted Indian cities, whose names have not been disclosed.
• The Winter Spike
  • The central finding is a sharp seasonal increase. Average incidence, quantity of waste burned, and associated emissions are up to three times higher in winter than in summer.
  • This timing compounds the problem. The findings come as cities approach the post-monsoon period, when falling temperatures and stagnant atmospheric conditions make it harder for pollutants to disperse.
  • Emissions released during this period remain concentrated closer to the ground and linger longer.
• Variation Across City Tiers
  • The study categorised cities by size and found differing patterns.
  • Tier 2 cities, those with populations between 500,000 and five million, recorded the highest quantities of waste burned among the cities examined.
  • Tier 3 cities, however, recorded the highest winter incidence of burning:

• Tier 3 cities: 49.6 incidents per square kilometre per day
• Tier 2 cities: 46 incidents per square kilometre per day
• Tier 1 cities: 39.4 incidents per square kilometre per day

• The pattern suggests that smaller cities, which typically have weaker municipal waste infrastructure, see burning occur more frequently, while larger Tier 2 cities generate greater volumes of burned waste overall.

The Exposure Problem

• Open waste burning was not the dominant source of citywide particulate pollution. It contributed less than 1% of total citywide PM2.5 and PM10 emissions in the cities assessed.
• Yet the study cautions against dismissing it on that basis.
• Because burning happens closer to homes, streets and waste dumps, it can significantly increase short-term exposure to toxic smoke for those living nearby.
• This distinction between aggregate emissions and localised exposure is significant. A source may contribute little to a city's overall pollution average while still posing serious health risks to the specific populations living around it.

The Equity Dimension

• The study found that the burden was strongly associated with socio-economic conditions. Poorer areas recorded substantially more burning than higher-income areas.
• The highest incidence recorded in the entire study, nearly 84 incidents per square kilometre per day, was in the poorer areas of Tier 2 cities during winter. This is well above the Tier 2 city average of 46 incidents.
• Researchers attribute this pattern to disparities in waste collection and other municipal services. Where formal collection is irregular or does not reach at all, residents have few alternatives to burning accumulated waste.
• The result is a double disadvantage. Lower-income neighbourhoods receive poorer municipal services, and then absorb the health consequences of the disposal methods that gap forces upon them.

Why This Matters?

• Public Health
  • Open burning produces pollutants at breathing height in residential areas, unlike emissions from tall industrial stacks that disperse more widely.
  • Exposure risks include respiratory illness, cardiovascular stress and, in the case of plastic combustion, exposure to carcinogenic compounds.
  • Vulnerable groups, children, the elderly, informal waste workers and street vendors, face the greatest exposure.
• Municipal Governance
  • The findings point to a service delivery failure rather than merely a behavioural problem.
  • Burning is largely a consequence of waste not being collected, which places the issue squarely within the responsibility of urban local bodies.
• Winter Air Quality Management
  • Most winter air quality action plans in India focus on vehicular emissions, industrial sources, construction dust and crop residue burning.
  • Open waste burning receives comparatively less attention, partly because its citywide contribution appears small.
  • The study suggests this framing may miss the localised harm it causes during precisely the season when dispersion is weakest.
• Smaller Cities
  • Much of India's air quality monitoring and policy attention is concentrated on large metros.
  • The higher burning incidence in Tier 2 and Tier 3 cities indicates that pollution management capacity needs to extend well beyond the major urban centres.

Way Forward

• Strengthening waste collection coverage, particularly in underserved and low-income neighbourhoods, addresses the root cause rather than the symptom.
• Enforcing segregation at source reduces the volume of mixed waste that is most likely to be burned and most toxic when it is.
• Expanding processing and disposal capacity so that collected waste has somewhere to go, preventing accumulation at transfer points.
• Targeted monitoring in Tier 2 and Tier 3 cities, where incidence is highest, but monitoring infrastructure is thinnest.
• Integrating waste burning into winter action plans, recognising localised exposure as a distinct concern from citywide emission averages.
• Supporting informal waste workers, who often handle collection in underserved areas and are among the most exposed to burning emissions.

Context:

• The debate over judicial appointments has been revived by the Supreme Court’s judgment in Arvind Malhotra v. High Court of Himachal Pradesh, concerning the elevation of a High Court judge to the Supreme Court.
• The case raised concerns over whether judicial appointments should remain confidential, particularly when questions of merit, seniority and perceived political proximity arise.
• The central issue is a larger constitutional question: Can judicial independence and institutional integrity be strengthened through a more transparent and representative appointment process?

India’s Collegium System - Confidentiality vs Transparency:

• In Arvind Malhotra, the applicant, an experienced Himachal Pradesh High Court judge, challenged the elevation of a junior judge over him, alleging that the latter was perceived as supportive of the government of the day.
• The Supreme Court did not accept the challenge. It noted that the High Court Collegium had recommended the appointment and the Supreme Court Collegium had subsequently approved it.
• The Court also emphasised that confidentiality is necessary to preserve the integrity of judicial appointments.
• This raises an important dilemma. While confidentiality may protect candidates and prevent undue external pressure, excessive secrecy can also generate doubts about the objectivity, accountability and legitimacy of appointments.

The South African Alternative:

• South Africa offers a contrasting model. Judicial appointments are handled through the Judicial Service Commission (JSC), a constitutional body comprising senior judges, lawyers, legal academics and limited political representation.
• Unlike India's largely confidential collegium deliberations, the South African process is substantially open -
  • Vacancies are publicly advertised and nominations invited.
  • A shortlist is prepared and public comments are sought.
  • Candidates undergo public interviews to assess their suitability.
  • Where consensus is absent, members may vote.
  • The identities of individual voters and their choices remain confidential.
• The system therefore combines institutional participation with public scrutiny, while retaining limited confidentiality where necessary.

Transparency as a Safeguard for Integrity:

• The comparison raises the fundamental question of whether judicial appointments should be conducted behind closed doors or through an open process.
• Transparency can enhance -
  • Public confidence in the judiciary;
  • Professional credibility of appointments;
  • Accountability of the appointing authority;
  • Perception of merit, impartiality and independence.
• For an institution exercising enormous public power, legitimacy depends not only on actual independence but also on public perception of independence.

Scrutiny of Judicial Conduct:

• South Africa also provides for greater openness in disciplinary proceedings against judges.
• Allegations of improper conduct can trigger investigation by the JSC and, where appropriate, a public inquiry.
• The example of a senior High Court judge facing a public inquiry following a sexual-harassment complaint illustrates the principle that the judicial office does not place judges beyond institutional scrutiny.
• A finding of gross misconduct can ultimately lead to a recommendation for impeachment.
• Such mechanisms seek to balance judicial independence with judicial accountability.

Who Should Appoint Judges?

• The comparison also raises a deeper institutional question: should judges be appointed primarily through a collegium of judges, or through a more representative constitutional body?
• Since judges exercise a public constitutional function, the appointment mechanism must command broad societal confidence.
• At the same time, political participation must not become political control, as that could compromise judicial independence.
• The challenge is therefore to design a mechanism that reconciles independence, accountability, merit, diversity and transparency.

Way Forward:

• Reforms cannot emerge from silence. Lawyers, judges, politicians and legal academics must engage in an open and fearless constitutional debate on judicial appointments and disciplinary mechanisms.
• India need not mechanically replicate the South African model. However, greater transparency—while protecting genuinely sensitive information—could strengthen confidence in the judiciary.

Conclusion:

• Judicial independence does not necessarily require institutional secrecy. Indeed, carefully designed transparency can reinforce independence by making the appointment process more credible and publicly legitimate.
• A democratic judiciary must therefore balance confidentiality with accountability and ensure that judicial elevation is based on competence, integrity and independence rather than perceived political alignment.
• The ultimate objective should be a judicial appointment system that is not merely independent, but is seen to be independent by citizens.

Context

• India is facing a growing public-health crisis involving childhood obesity, diabetes and hypertension.
• Changing lifestyles contribute to this problem, but the increasing availability, affordability and aggressive marketing of foods high in fat, salt and sugar (HFSS) are equally important.
• Children are particularly vulnerable because their food choices are influenced by advertising, school environments, pricing and parental perceptions.
• The Food Safety and Standards Authority of India (FSSAI) has proposed bold red front-of-pack warning labels for unhealthy packaged foods.
• This is a welcome step, but labelling alone cannot address the wider food environment.

Rising Burden of Childhood Obesity and Diabetes

• The World Obesity Atlas 2026 estimates that around 41 million Indian children and adolescents aged 5–19 are overweight or obese.
• The rise in childhood obesity and diabetes demonstrates that unhealthy diets have become a structural health concern rather than merely an issue of individual choice.
• Breakfast cereals, sweetened yoghurt and health drinks are often promoted as nutritious sources of energy and vitamins while their high sugar content receives inadequate attention.
• Such marketing creates an information imbalance, making products appear healthier than they actually are.
• The addition of sugar to infant food sold in India and other lower-income markets, while comparable European products reportedly contained no added sugar, also raises concerns about unequal food standards across markets.
• Public pressure has similarly been required in some cases to encourage manufacturers to reduce excessive sugar.

Front-of-Pack Warning Labels: A Necessary Beginning

• A prominent red warning label can make nutritional risks immediately visible at the point of purchase.
• Unlike information hidden in fine print, front-of-pack warnings can help consumers identify products containing excessive sugar, salt or fat.
• However, awareness does not automatically change behaviour. Consumers may continue purchasing unhealthy products because they are cheap, convenient and heavily marketed.
• Labelling must therefore be part of a comprehensive regulatory framework.

The Enforcement Gap in Schools

• Schools and colleges provide an important opportunity to influence children's dietary habits.
• Existing recommendations concerning unhealthy food sales have limited impact when compliance remains voluntary.
• School canteens frequently sell inexpensive products that are commercially popular.
• An energy drink costing ₹20 and containing substantial sugar and caffeine illustrates how unhealthy products are priced within children's purchasing capacity.
• Restrictions should therefore be mandatory, supported by inspections and penalties.
• Regulation should also cover vendors operating immediately outside educational institutions.

The Unorganised Food Sector: The Missing Half

• Packaged-food regulation has limited reach because a large share of Indians' consumption occurs through street vendors, dhabas, sweet shops and other unorganised businesses.
• A warning label on packaged food cannot address the nutritional risks of loose jalebi, samosas or sugary drinks.
• India consequently needs a phased regulatory framework for the unorganised sector, combining nutritional standards, vendor training, public awareness and practical enforcement.

The Way Forward

• Sugar Tax as an Economic Instrument
  • The United Kingdom's experience demonstrates that taxation can encourage manufacturers to reformulate products and reduce sugar.
  • India's taxation structure provides limited incentives for such reformulation when sugary and sugar-free beverages receive similar treatment.
  • A tiered sugar tax could encourage companies to lower sugar content to reduce their tax liability.
  • Such taxation would therefore influence both consumer demand and industry behaviour.
• Protecting the Poor Through Better Policy Design
  • The concern that a sugar tax could disproportionately affect poorer households is legitimate. However, low-income families already bear a disproportionate burden of diabetes, hypertension and obesity-related healthcare costs.
  • Doing nothing is not cost-free; it shifts the burden from consumers at the point of purchase to families and the healthcare system.
  • A better approach would be to calibrate taxation to sugar content, use part of the revenue to subsidise healthier foods and strengthen nutrition programmes.
• Towards a Comprehensive Food Policy
  • India needs an integrated food-policy framework based on:
    • Mandatory front-of-pack warning labels for HFSS foods.
    • Nutritional standards for school and college canteens.
    • Restrictions on advertising unhealthy foods to children.
    • Regulation of food sales around educational institutions.
    • Gradual regulation of the unorganised food sector.
    • Sugar-content-based taxation encouraging reformulation.
    • Affordable access to healthier foods through targeted subsidies.
    • Stronger inspections and penalties.
    • Nutrition education for parents, children and teachers.
    • Uniform and transparent food standards across markets.

Conclusion

• India's obesity and diabetes crisis requires a shift from viewing unhealthy eating solely as an individual responsibility to recognising it as a structural public-health challenge.
• Consumers cannot make informed choices when nutritional risks are obscured and unhealthy products are aggressively marketed and widely available.
• The FSSAI's proposed warning label is an important beginning, but its effectiveness will depend on stronger enforcement and complementary policies.
• The ultimate objective should be to create a food environment where healthy choices are visible, affordable and accessible.
• India's response must therefore move beyond informing consumers towards reshaping the incentives and environments that influence what people eat.

About Bhoramdev Wildlife Sanctuary:

• Bhoramdev Wildlife Sanctuary is located in Chhattisgarh.
• It is part of the larger Maikal range of the Satpura hills.
• It is part of the Kanha-Achanakmar Corridor, which connects Kanha National Park in Madhya Pradesh with Achanakmar Wildlife Sanctuary in Chhattisgarh.
• It is named after the famous Bhoramdeo Temple.
  • Bhoramdeo Temple, an ancient temple complex dating back to the 7th to 11th centuries, was built by the Nagvanshi dynasty.
  • The temple is dedicated to Lord Shiva and is often referred to as the “Khajuraho of Chhattisgarh.”
• The sanctuary’s terrain is characterized by undulating hills, dense forests, and numerous streams.
• The region surrounding Bhoramdev Wildlife Sanctuary is inhabited by various tribal communities, including the Baiga, Gond, and Kanwar
• Rivers: The river Sakari flows through the sanctuary and is the source of drinking water for the wild animals.
• Flora: It contains tropical moist and dry deciduous woodland with trees such as saaj, sal, tendu, and eucalyptus.
• Fauna: Its habitats support Bengal tiger, leopard, sloth bear, sambar, gaur, wild boar, monitor lizard, and many bird species.

About Saqqara:

• It is part of the necropolis of the ancient Egyptian city of Memphis.
• In 1979 the ancient ruins of the Memphis area, including Ṣaqqārah, Abū Ṣīr, Dahshūr, Abū Ruwaysh, and the Pyramids of Giza, were collectively designated a UNESCO World Heritage site.
• Saqqara contains numerous pyramids, tombs, mastabas, temples, and other funerary monuments.
• A mastaba is an ancient Egyptian rectangular tomb structure with a flat roof and sloping sides.
• Saqqara is where the transition from the use of the mastaba as a burial site to the pyramid design that is more popularly known today took place.
• Kings and noblemen from the very first two dynasties (c.3040–2686 BC) were buried here, and this is also the location of the Step Pyramid of Djoser (c.2686–2667 BC).
  • It is the oldest surviving pyramid in the world.
  • Designed by the architect Imhotep, its distinctive six-tiered form marked a crucial stage in the development of pyramid construction and paved the way for the great pyramids that followed.
• The pyramids of some of the most important kings of the Old Kingdom Fifth (c.2494–2345 BC) and Sixth (c.2345–2181 BC) Dynasties are located in Saqqara.
• One of these, the pyramid of Unas (also known as Wenis; (c.2375–2345 BC), features the oldest pyramid burial chamber decorated with texts.
• Among the most important of Saqqara’s monuments is the Serapeum, a series of underground galleries in which the Apis Bulls were buried from the Eighteenth Dynasty (c.1550–1295 BC) to the Ptolemaic Period (332–30 BC).
  • The Apis Bull was considered an incarnation of Ptah himself, one of the most important gods of Memphis.

About Shivneri Fort:

• It is a very old and important hill fort located near the town of Junnar in the Pune district of Maharashtra.
• This fort is famous because it is the birthplace of Chatrapati Shivaji Maharaj.
• History:
  • The Shivneri Fort was built during the time of Satavahanas.
  • After the Satavahanas, the Shivneri Fort was occupied by the Shilaharas and the Yadavas.
  • This fort was very important for protecting an old trading route. This route connected the region of Desh to the port city of Kalyan.
  • In the 15th century, it came under the Bahmani Sultanate. Later, in the 16th century, it was taken over by the Ahmadnagar Sultanate.
  • In 1595, a Maratha chief named Maloji Bhosale was honored by the Ahmadnagar Sultan, Bahadur Nizam Shah.
    • Maloji Bhosale was the grandfather of Shivaji Maharaj.
    • The Sultan gave him control of Shivneri and Chakan forts.
  • Shivaji Maharaj was born at Shivneri Fort on February 19, 1630. Some records suggest he was born in 1627. He spent his early childhood years growing up within the fort's walls.
  • An English traveler named Fraze visited the fort in 1673. He wrote that the fort was very strong and could not be easily defeated.
• Features:
  • It is a triangular-shaped hill fort and has its entrance from the southwest side of the hill.
  • It has winding gates that are very well protected. All around the fort, there are strong mud walls.
  • At the very center of the fort, there is a water pond called 'Badami Talav'. To the south of this pond, you can see statues of Jijabai and a young Shivaji.
  • In the fort there are water springs, called Ganges and Yamuna, which have water throughout the year.

About Atherosclerosis:

• It is a condition in which plaque builds up inside the arteries.
  • Arteries are blood vessels that carry oxygen-rich blood to organs and tissues throughout your body.
  • Plaque is a sticky substance made up of cholesterol, fat, blood cells, calcium, and other substances found in the blood.
• Over time, plaque hardens and causes arteries to narrow. That limits the flow of oxygen-rich blood to the body.
• Arteriosclerosis is hardening of the arteries, which means that the arteries thicken and become less flexible. It can have several different causes.
• Atherosclerosis, which develops from plaque buildup, is a common type of arteriosclerosis.
• What causes atherosclerosis?
  • Plaque often starts to build up during childhood and gets worse with age.
  • The exact cause is unknown, but researchers believe that this buildup happens when there is damage to the arteries. This damage may be caused by unhealthy lifestyle habits, medical conditions, and your genes.
  • Recent studies also point that atherosclerosis meets the criteria for an autoimmune disease.
• Atherosclerosis can affect most of the arteries in the body. It has different names, based on which arteries are affected:
  • Coronary artery disease (CAD) is plaque buildup in the arteries of your heart.
  • Peripheral artery disease (PAD) is plaque buildup in the arteries that carry blood away from the heart to other parts of the body. It most often affects the arteries of legs, but it can also affect the arteries of arms or pelvis.
  • Carotid artery disease is plaque buildup in the neck arteries. It reduces blood flow to the brain.
  • Renal artery stenosis is plaque buildup in the arteries that supply blood to kidneys.
  • Vertebral artery disease is plaque buildup in the arteries that supply blood to the back of brain.
  • Mesenteric artery ischemia is plaque buildup in the arteries that supply intestines with blood.
• Symptoms:
  • Symptoms usually depend on the arteries that are affected, and the most common include:
    • chest pain (or angina)
    • feeling confused, as a result of limited blood flow to your brain
    • difficulty breathing
    • feeling very tired (fatigued)
    • pain in any of limbs, where there may be a blocked artery weak muscles
  • Atherosclerosis can cause other health problems, or complications.
• Treatment: Treating atherosclerosis may include having a heart-healthy lifestyle and taking medicines.

About TRISHNA Mission:

• The TRISHNA (Thermal Infra-Red Imaging Satellite for High-resolution Natural Resource Assessment) mission, is a collaborative endeavor between the Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO) and the French Space Agency Centre National d’Etudes Spatiales (CNES).
• It is engineered to deliver high spatial and high temporal resolution monitoring of Earth's surface temperature, emissivity, biophysical and radiation variables for surface energy budgeting at regional to global scale.
• Objectives:
  • Detailed monitoring of the energy and water budgets of the continental biosphere for quantifying terrestrial water stress and water use.
  • High-resolution observation of water quality and dynamics in coastal and inland waters.
  • A comprehensive assessment of urban heat islands detection of thermal anomalies linked to volcanic activity and geothermal resources.
  • Precise monitoring of snow-melt runoff and glacier dynamics.
  • Provide valuable data on aerosol optical depth, atmospheric water vapor, and cloud cover.
• Payloads: TRISHNA satellite is equipped with two primary payloads.
  • The Thermal Infra-Red (TIR) Payload: It is provided by CNES and features a four-channel long-wave infrared imaging sensor capable of high-resolution surface temperature and emissivity mapping.
  • The Visible – Near Infra-Red – Short Wave Infra-Red (VNIR-SWIR) payload: It is developed by ISRO, includes seven spectral bands designed for detailed mapping of surface reflectance of VSWIR bands for generating important biophysical and radiation budget variables.
• The satellite will operate in a sun-synchronous orbit at an altitude of 761 km.
• This orbit will provide a spatial resolution of 57 meters for land and coastal areas and 1 km for oceanic and polar regions. The mission is designed for a 5-year operational life.
• TRISHNA’s data will contribute to several global initiatives, such as GEOGLAM for agricultural monitoring, the UN's Sustainable Development Goals and targets, and the Global Water Watch.
• Some of the mission’s outputs will serve as Essential Agricultural Variables (EAVs), and Essential Climate Variables (ECVs) for the global community.

About Financial Intelligence Unit- India:

• It was set by the Government of India in 2004.
• It is the central national agency responsible for receiving, processing, analyzing and disseminating information relating to suspect financial transactions.
• FIU-IND is an independent body reporting directly to the Economic Intelligence Council (EIC) headed by the Finance Minister.
• Function of Financial Intelligence Unit-India:
  • Collection of Information: It acts as the central reception point for receiving Cash Transaction reports (CTRs), Non-Profit Organisation Transaction Report (NTRs), Cross Border Wire Transfer Reports (CBWTRs) from various reporting entities.
  • Analysis of Information: Analyze received information in order to uncover patterns of transactions suggesting suspicion of money laundering and related crimes.
  • Sharing of Information: It shares information with national intelligence/law enforcement agencies, national regulatory authorities and foreign Financial Intelligence Units.
  • Central Repository: It establishes and maintains a national database on the basis of reports received from reporting entities.
  • Coordination: It coordinates and strengthens collection and sharing of financial intelligence through an effective national, regional and global network to combat money laundering and related crimes.
  • Research and Analysis: Monitor and identify strategic key areas on money laundering trends, typologies and developments.