Why in news?

Pakistan and Afghanistan have entered a sharp new phase of hostilities, with Pakistan bombing Kabul and other provinces after a cross-border attack on its troops. Pakistan’s Defence Minister termed the situation an “open war” with the Taliban-led Afghan government.

The escalation follows months of tensions, with Islamabad accusing Kabul of sheltering militants responsible for attacks inside Pakistan. However, the strain between the two countries is rooted in a much longer history.

Since 1947, relations have largely been marked by distrust, hostility, and recurring confrontations. These tensions have persisted across changes in governments in Pakistan and major upheavals in Afghanistan, including the Soviet intervention (1979–1989) and the US intervention (2001–2021), during both of which Pakistan supported Afghan resistance groups.

What’s in Today’s Article?

• Regime Changes in Afghanistan: A Turbulent Political History
• Persistent Fault Lines in Pakistan–Afghanistan Relations
• The Durand Line: A Root of Pakistan–Afghanistan Tensions
• Trade and Transit: A Strategic Pressure Point

Regime Changes in Afghanistan: A Turbulent Political History

• End of the Monarchy and Communist Rule (1973–1989) - Afghanistan’s monarchy ended in 1973, followed by a brief nationalist phase and then 11 years of communist rule backed by the Soviet Union. The regime attempted sweeping political and social reforms but failed to stabilise the country.
• Najibullah and Collapse (1989–1992) - After the Soviet withdrawal, President Najibullah led a nationalist government for three years. His administration collapsed in 1992, paving the way for internal conflict.
• Civil War and First Taliban Rule (1992–2001) - Afghanistan descended into civil war between Mujahideen factions and the emerging Taliban movement. Formed in 1994, the Taliban — supported by Pakistan — captured Kabul in 1996 and controlled most of the country.
• US Intervention and Islamic Republic (2001–2021) - Following the September 11, 2001 attacks, the US invaded Afghanistan, ousting the Taliban and establishing the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan. However, the new political system struggled to gain lasting stability, and the Taliban insurgency persisted.
• Taliban Return to Power (2021) - After the US withdrawal in August 2021, the Taliban swiftly defeated Afghan government forces, regaining control of the entire country — once again with Pakistan’s backing — and re-establishing their rule over Afghanistan.

Persistent Fault Lines in Pakistan–Afghanistan Relations

• The Durand Line Dispute - A core dispute remains Afghanistan’s refusal to formally recognise the Durand Line as the international border, fuelling recurring tensions over sovereignty and territorial claims.
• Trade, Transit, and Strategic Control - Disagreements over transit routes and trade access have deepened mistrust, with Afghanistan accusing Pakistan of exerting undue influence and control over its affairs.
• Mutual Resentment - Many Afghans resent what they perceive as Pakistan’s interference since the fall of the monarchy. Conversely, Pakistan views Afghans as ungrateful, citing its hosting of millions of refugees and support for Afghan resistance movements against the Soviet Union and the United States.
• The India Factor - India’s presence and engagement in Afghanistan have long shaped Pakistan’s security concerns, adding another layer of complexity to bilateral tensions.
  • Pakistan fears strategic encirclement by India and Afghanistan and seeks to limit Kabul’s ties with New Delhi.
  • However, Afghan governments resist external influence over their foreign policy choices.
  • Currently, Pakistan views the Taliban’s outreach to India as a betrayal, deepening tensions and reinforcing longstanding suspicions between the two neighbours.

The Durand Line: A Root of Pakistan–Afghanistan Tensions

• The 2,640-km Durand Line was drawn in 1893 by Sir Mortimer Durand, dividing territories of Afghan ruler Amir Abdul Rehman Khan.
• The demarcation split Pashtun tribal lands and was initially meant to define spheres of influence, not a permanent international border.
  • Historical and cultural differences between Pashtuns and the Punjab-dominated Pakistani state remain significant.
• While British India later treated the Durand Line as a permanent boundary — a position inherited by Pakistan in 1947 — Afghanistan rejected this interpretation.
• It even opposed Pakistan’s entry into the United Nations, arguing that Pashtun territories ceded to British India should revert to Afghanistan.
• The Durand Line dispute remains unresolved. Even in 2018, Afghanistan objected when Pakistan integrated its Tribal Areas into Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, reaffirming Kabul’s long-standing refusal to accept the border’s finality.

Trade and Transit: A Strategic Pressure Point

• As a landlocked country, Afghanistan depends on transit access through neighbouring states — primarily Pakistan, Iran, and the Central Asian republics.
• Among these, the Pakistan route is geographically and economically the most viable.
• Successive Afghan governments have sought permission for overland trade between India and Afghanistan via the Wagah border. Pakistan has refused to allow Indian exports and aid through its territory, fuelling resentment in Kabul.
• Tensions intensify when Pakistan restricts goods entering Afghanistan through land routes or via Karachi port. Such actions are widely viewed in Afghanistan as the use of connectivity and transit access as instruments of political coercion.

Why in news?

The latest report of the 16th Finance Commission, tabled in Parliament on February 1, highlights renewed support and strengthened financial backing for urban local governments.

What’s in Today’s Article?

• 16th Finance Commission: Overview and Key Recommendations
• 16th Finance Commission Boosts Urban Local Governments
• Rising Urbanisation and the Need for Greater Urban Funding
• 16th FC’s Financial Cushion

16th Finance Commission: Overview and Key Recommendations

• The 16th Finance Commission, chaired by Dr. Arvind Panagariya, submitted its report for the period 2026–27 to 2030–31, tabled in Parliament on February 1, 2026.
• The Commission has recommended that 41% of the divisible pool of central taxes be devolved to states — the same share as recommended by the 15th Finance Commission.
  • The divisible pool excludes the cost of tax collection and revenues from cesses and surcharges.
• Criteria for Devolution Among States
  • To distribute central taxes among states, the Commission uses a formula assigning weightage to specific parameters.
  • Income Distance: Reduced from 45% to 42.5%
  • Population (2011): Increased from 15% to 17.5%
  • Demographic Performance: Reduced from 12.5% to 10%
  • Area: Reduced from 15% to 10%
  • Forest Cover: Retained at 10%
  • Tax and Fiscal Effort: Removed (earlier 2.5%)
  • Contribution to GDP: Newly introduced at 10%

16th Finance Commission Boosts Urban Local Governments

• The Finance Commission (FC) is a constitutional body that recommends how tax revenues should be shared between the Centre and states.
• Reconstituted every five years, it also provides grants to local governments.
• 
• Since the 10th FC — after the introduction of urban local bodies and panchayats as the third tier — such grants have been a regular feature.
• The 16th Finance Commission has significantly raised the share of grants for urban local governments to 45%, up from 36% under the 15th FC and 26% under the 13th FC.
• In absolute terms, it has recommended ₹3.56 lakh crore for urban local bodies — more than double the 15th FC’s ₹1.55 lakh crore and nearly 15 times the allocation of the 13th FC (post-2011 Census).
• These allocations determine the financial capacity of the lowest tier of government to address local infrastructure, service delivery, and grassroots governance challenges as India’s urban population continues to grow.
• Uneven Distribution Across States
  • Grants are distributed according to the 16th FC’s population-based formula, resulting in varied outcomes for states.
  • Kerala’s allocation increased by over 400%.
  • Maharashtra saw a rise of over 300%.
  • Odisha’s allocation grew by only 13%.
  • Bihar experienced an 8% reduction.

Rising Urbanisation and the Need for Greater Urban Funding

• The 16th Finance Commission’s higher allocation to urban local bodies acknowledges India’s projected urbanisation level of 41% by 2031.
• With each decade, a larger share of India’s population is moving to cities, increasing the demand for stronger urban governance.
• Data Gaps and Policy Challenges
  • The 2011 Census recorded 31% of Indians living in urban areas — lower than countries like China (45%), Indonesia (54%) and Brazil (87%).
  • However, other estimates vary widely. A 2015 World Bank report suggested that 54% lived in cities and another 24% in urban clusters, pointing to significant discrepancies. Rapid migration trends further complicate accurate measurement.
  • Inconsistent data hampers effective policy planning and resource allocation. Urban local bodies are particularly affected due to uncertain funding projections.

16th FC’s Financial Cushion

• The increased 45% share for urban bodies is seen as a buffer against future demographic revisions.
• If Census 2027 data shows higher urbanization — say 48% — the enhanced allocation would prevent urban governments from being financially underprepared, unlike earlier cycles when allocations were lower (36% or 26%).
• The 16th Finance Commission’s recommendations reflect India’s accelerating urban transition, though variations in state-level allocations highlight ongoing complexities in balancing demographic trends and fiscal federalism.

Why in the News?

• The government has released the New GDP Series 2022-23 base year, revising FY26 growth to 7.6% and Q3 growth to 7.8%.

What’s in Today’s Article?

• New GDP Series (Introduction, Revisions in Growth Rates, Methodological Improvements, Sectoral Growth Trends, Impact, etc.)

Introduction of the New GDP Series

• The Ministry of Statistics and Programme Implementation (MoSPI) has introduced a new GDP series with 2022-23 as the base year, replacing the earlier 2011-12 base year.
• Base year revision is a standard statistical exercise undertaken periodically to reflect structural changes in the economy, incorporate new data sources, and improve methodology.
• The last major revision was done in 2015, when the base year was shifted to 2011-12.
• Under the new series, India’s GDP growth for October–December 2025 (Q3 FY26) has been estimated at 7.8%, while full-year growth for FY26 is projected at 7.6% as per the second advance estimates.
• This is higher than the earlier estimate of 7.4% for FY26 under the old series.

Revisions in Growth Rates

• The new series has led to significant revisions in past growth numbers.

• FY23-24 growth has been revised downward to 7.2% from 9.2% under the old series.
• FY24-25 growth has been revised upward to 7.1% from 6.5%.
• FY25-26 growth is estimated at 7.6%.

• Quarterly revisions also show changes:

• Q1 FY26 growth: 6.7%
• Q2 FY26 growth: 8.4%
• Q3 FY26 growth: 7.8%

• These revisions reflect updated methodology and improved data coverage.
• MoSPI has indicated that a full back series, recalculated historical GDP data, will be released by December 2026.

Methodological Improvements

• The most important methodological change is the shift from the “single-deflator” method to the “double-deflation” method for calculating real Gross Value Added (GVA).
• Earlier, a single price deflator was used to adjust nominal values to real terms in most sectors. This could sometimes overstate growth when input and output prices behaved differently.
• Under double deflation, both inputs and outputs are adjusted separately using their respective inflation rates.
• This allows for more accurate measurement of real economic growth and aligns India’s methodology with international best practices.
• The new series also incorporates additional data sources, such as:

• GST data
• e-Vahan vehicle registration data
• Annual Survey of Unincorporated Sector Enterprises
• Periodic Labour Force Survey

• Further, national accounts have been integrated with Supply and Use Tables to reduce the “discrepancy” between production-based and expenditure-based GDP estimates.

Sectoral Growth Trends in FY26

• Secondary Sector
  • The secondary sector is expected to grow at 9.5% in FY26, up from 7.3% in FY25.
  • Manufacturing is projected to grow at 12.5%, compared to 8.3% in the previous year.
  • Construction growth is estimated at 6.9%, slightly lower than 7.1% in FY25.
• Primary Sector
  • The primary sector is expected to slow to 2.8% in FY26 from 5% in FY25.
  • Agriculture growth is estimated at 2.5%, down from 4.3%. Mining and quarrying growth is projected at 5%, compared to 11.2% earlier.
• Tertiary Sector
  • The services sector is expected to grow at 8.9%, up from 8.3% in FY25.
  • Trade, hotels, transport and communication are projected to grow at 10.3%, while financial, real estate, IT and professional services are expected to grow at 10%.
  • This indicates strong momentum in manufacturing and services, offset by a moderation in agriculture.

Downward Revision in Nominal GDP

• While real growth has been upgraded, the nominal size of the economy has been revised downward.
• India’s nominal GDP for FY26 is estimated at Rs. 345.47 lakh crore, about 3.3% smaller than earlier estimates under the old series.
• The size of the economy for FY24 and FY25 has also been revised downward by about 3.8% each.
• Nominal GDP represents the current-price value of the economy and is crucial for calculating fiscal ratios.

Impact on Fiscal Ratios

• Since fiscal indicators such as fiscal deficit-to-GDP and debt-to-GDP are expressed as a percentage of nominal GDP, a lower GDP base automatically increases these ratios.
• The fiscal deficit for FY26 is now estimated at 4.51% of GDP instead of 4.36%, even though the absolute deficit amount remains unchanged.
• Similarly, the debt-to-GDP ratio for FY27 is pegged at 57.5%, compared to the earlier target of 55.6%.
• This makes the government’s debt consolidation path toward its FY2031 target of reducing debt to 50% of GDP steeper.

Context:

• The Supreme Court’s recent suo motu intervention regarding an NCERT textbook passage allegedly portraying judicial corruption has highlighted the importance of protecting the reputation and dignity of public institutions.
• The Court’s action underscores that public confidence is central to constitutional governance.
• However, the episode also raises a broader constitutional issue: whether the principle of dignity and protection from misrepresentation should apply equally to institutions and social communities, especially in educational content.

Supreme Court’s Assertion of Institutional Responsibility:

• Protection of institutional credibility:
  • The Court emphasised that constitutional institutions depend on public trust, not merely legal authority.
  • The misrepresentation in textbooks can cause long-term reputational damage, particularly among young students.
  • Swift judicial intervention signals the need to protect institutional legitimacy in a democracy.
• Significance of suo motu action: It demonstrates judicial vigilance in safeguarding constitutional institutions, reinforcing the idea that reputational harm can weaken governance structures.

Education and Civic Imagination:

• Role of textbooks in nation-building:
  • Textbooks shape civic consciousness and democratic values.
  • Curriculum choices influence how citizens understand history, society, and constitutional values.
  • Omission or selective representation can produce distorted public understanding.
• Recent curriculum changes:
  • Recent NCERT revisions have drawn attention to omissions and modifications -
    • Removal of references to the Gujarat riots (Class XII Political Science).
    • Dilution and later removal of references to the Babri Masjid demolition.
    • Reduced coverage of Mughal history, Caste struggles, and Dalit movements.
  • While curriculum revision is normal in governance, cumulative changes raise concerns about sanitised history and selective narratives.

Representation and Social Perception:

• Risks of partial narratives:
  • Communities represented mainly through conflict narratives (which reinforce stereotypes), and victimhood narratives (which obscure agency and achievements).
  • Partial truths, repeated over time, can become deep-rooted prejudice.
• Importance of balanced representation:
  • Honest history must include oppression and injustice, reform movements, intellectual traditions, and contributions to society.
  • Balanced representation strengthens democratic citizenship.

Constitutional Doctrine of Dignity:

• Justice Ujjal Bhuyan: Emphasised that vilification of communities on grounds of religion, caste, language, or region is constitutionally impermissible.
• Centrality of fraternity:
  • Fraternity is a core constitutional value. It ensures social cohesion, mutual respect, and shared belonging.
  • Without fraternity, equality becomes formal, and liberty becomes fragmented.

Constitutional Framework:

• The principle of dignity is supported by multiple constitutional provisions.
• For example,
  • Preamble: Fraternity assures the dignity of the individual.
  • Fundamental Rights: Article 14 (Equality before law), Article 15 (Prohibition of discrimination), Article 21 (Right to life including dignity).
  • Fundamental Duties: Article 51A(e) – Promotion of harmony and brotherhood.
• Together, these provisions establish a normative framework for respectful public discourse.

Statutory Safeguards:

• Legal provisions addressing hate speech and vilification include -
  • IPC Section 153A – Promoting enmity between groups.
  • IPC Section 153B – Imputations prejudicial to national integration.
  • IPC Section 295A – Outraging religious feelings.
  • IPC Section 505 – Statements causing public mischief.
• These laws form the legal backbone against communal incitement, though enforcement often appears uneven.

Challenges:

• Selective vigilance: Strong protection of institutions but inconsistent protection of communities creates a perceived hierarchy of dignity.
• Curriculum politicisation: Educational content influenced by political priorities risk of historical sanitisation.
• Uneven legal enforcement: Hate speech laws applied inconsistently. Normalisation of stereotypes in public discourse.
• Weak emphasis on fraternity: Fraternity remains the least discussed constitutional value. The concept saw limited integration into policy and education.

Way Forward:

• Ensure balanced curriculum: NCERT revisions should be evidence-based, transparent, academically rigorous, and include multiple perspectives in historical narratives.
• Consistent constitutional protection: Equal protection of institutions, individuals, and communities, to avoid hierarchy of dignity.
• Strengthen legal enforcement: Uniform application of hate speech provisions, and clear standards for intervention.
• Promote constitutional values: Greater emphasis on fraternity, dignity, and social harmony. Integrate constitutional ethics into education.

Conclusion:

• The Supreme Court’s intervention on NCERT content goes beyond protecting judicial reputation; it signals a broader constitutional principle — dignity is indivisible.
• A robust democracy must defend both institutions and communities with equal seriousness.
• The true strength of constitutional governance lies not only in safeguarding its institutions but also in ensuring that every citizen and community enjoys equal respect and belonging.

Context

• Escalating geopolitical conflicts, including Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, tensions in West Asia, and controversial actions by major powers, have revived claims that international law is collapsing.
• Some scholars foresee a norm-free world, pointing to institutional withdrawals, unilateral military actions, and a perceived rupture in the global order.
• Despite mounting challenges, international law persists as an indispensable normative framework shaping state conduct and international cooperation.

The Prohibition on the Use of Force: Crisis or Collapse?

• A foundational pillar of modern international law is the prohibition on the threat or use of force under Article 2(4) of the United Nations Charter.
• Recent violations have intensified doubts about its survival; however, repeated breaches do not signify legal extinction.
• During the Cold War, similar concerns emerged amid widespread armed conflicts.
• Wars in Afghanistan, the Falklands, the Gulf, Bosnia, Kosovo, Iraq, Syria, and Libya severely strained the prohibition on force.
• Yet Article 2(4) endured as the central legal benchmark against which state conduct was judged. The persistence of this principle demonstrates that international law can be battered but not extinguished. 

Legal Justification and the Power of Normative Constraint

• The Role of Legal Argument in International Politics
  • The strength of international law lies partly in its capacity to compel states to justify their actions.
  • Legalisation creates expectations that public power must be exercised within recognised rules.
  • Historically, even dominant powers sought to frame military interventions within the doctrine of self-defence exception, expanding its interpretation to align actions with existing norms.
  • Such practices reveal the enduring force of legal justification.
  • The act of offering legal reasoning preserves space for debate, contestation, and normative accountability.
• A Qualitative Shift in the Present Moment
  • The contemporary challenge is not merely repeated violations but the declining effort to justify them.
  • Rising populist-authoritarianism has introduced a degree of brazenness in which legal reasoning is sometimes sidelined.
  • This erosion of deliberative engagement weakens the culture of compliance and threatens the expectation that power must answer to law.
  • Yet even this shift does not eliminate the system. It signals a struggle over interpretation and authority rather than a disappearance of norms.

Beyond the UN Charter: The Expanding Scope of International Law

• Over eight decades, the international community has developed dense legal regimes governing trade, investment, aviation, maritime resources, outer space, human rights regime, climate governance, and the control of chemical and biological weapons.
• This expansion reflects deep global interdependence. Legal frameworks underpin economic exchange, environmental protection, and technological cooperation.
• Agreements such as the High Seas Treaty and the Pandemic Agreement illustrate ongoing treaty-making process and sustained multilateral engagement.
• Trade negotiations between major economies further demonstrate reliance on structured legal commitments.
• International law’s vitality is evident not only in crisis management but also in its routine coordination of complex global systems.

The Judicialisation of International Relations

• Courts such as the International Criminal Court and the African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights exemplify the expanding architecture of international adjudication.
• These institutions embody the judicialisation of international relations, providing structured mechanisms for dispute resolution and individual accountability.
• Though compliance is uneven, their existence reinforces the principle of peaceful dispute resolution and strengthens the institutional architecture supporting global governance.

The Silent Functioning of International Law

• It enables goods to cross borders under predictable trade rules, secures civil aviation routes, regulates maritime passage, and facilitates communication networks.
• This silent operation of law sustains daily life and economic stability: by structuring expectations and reducing uncertainty, international law provides predictability and stability in a fragmented geopolitical environment.
• Its effectiveness is often invisible precisely because it functions smoothly. The absence of headlines in these areas signals not irrelevance but routine success.

Conclusion

• International law is undergoing one of its most challenging periods, particularly concerning the prohibition on force.
• The resilience of Article 2(4), the persistence of legal justification, the breadth of global regulatory regimes, and the proliferation of international courts all demonstrate enduring strength.
• International law remains a dynamic system shaped by contestation and adaptation. Its continued expansion across domains of trade, environment, health, and human rights affirms its structural importance.
• International law endures, not as a flawless order, but as a necessary foundation for global stability in an increasingly turbulent world.