Why in news?

• Recently, websites worldwide went offline as a precaution, after two critical vulnerabilities in PHP, one of the internet’s most widely used programming languages, were discovered.
  • The websites included services run by Japan’s Finance Ministry, US HR platform BambooHR, the Port of Rotterdam, and the Wikimedia Foundation (operator of Wikipedia).
• The flaws, collectively dubbed PHP2Shell, triggered emergency security updates and prompted governments and cybersecurity agencies worldwide to urge immediate action.

What’s in Today’s Article?

• What Is PHP, and Why Does It Matter So Much?
• What Exactly Is PHP2Shell?
• Why Websites Went Offline?

What Is PHP, and Why Does It Matter So Much?

• PHP (Hypertext Preprocessor) is a free, open-source, volunteer-maintained programming language that runs behind the scenes of websites — handling logins, form submissions, and online purchases.
• It powers ~70% of websites whose server-side language is identifiable.
• WordPress — which runs over 40% of all websites globally (blogs, government portals, news sites, online shops) — is itself built on PHP.
• This pervasiveness is exactly why a flaw in PHP has such outsized global impact.

What Exactly Is PHP2Shell?

• PHP2Shell refers to two critical vulnerabilities that could let attackers remotely execute malicious code on web servers — without logging in — or access sensitive information stored in server memory.
• Flaw 1 — Interrupted Mid-Task: When PHP runs out of memory while processing a request (e.g., a CV upload), it can be cut off midway and later mistakenly treat incomplete data as valid — creating an exploitable gap.
• Flaw 2 — Leftovers: PHP can sometimes retain leftover information from an earlier user’s request even after that memory should have been cleared. When handling a new request, it may mistakenly reuse this outdated data instead of starting fresh — which an attacker could exploit to interfere with server operations.
• Why It’s Dangerous?
  • Attackers need no account or physical access — a single malicious request sent over the internet could, under certain conditions, make a server execute attacker-chosen instructions.
  • This could expose personal information, uploaded documents, or login credentials.
  • AI tools could accelerate exploitation, even though the flaws are dangerous on their own.

Why Websites Went Offline?

• Cybersecurity agencies urged immediate patching; where that wasn’t feasible, temporary shutdown was the safer precaution.
• Key challenge: Updating PHP isn’t always simple.
  • Many small websites run on shared hosting, where owners don’t control the server or even know who maintains PHP.
  • The immediate challenge is not simply installing a patch, but finding and managing every instance where PHP is running.
  • PHP can be embedded invisibly within content-management systems, hosting platforms, and third-party products.
  • Older appliances/devices are especially hard to patch, often being a black box with limited visibility, dependent on vendors for updates.
• CERT-EU advised organisations unable to patch immediately to take vulnerable systems offline.
• India’s CERT-In issued a critical advisory the same day, warning of potential full system takeover and urging immediate updates.

Conclusion

The PHP2Shell episode is a stark reminder that the internet’s foundational infrastructure often rests on decades-old, volunteer-maintained code — vulnerable not because of neglect, but because of sheer scale and invisibility across millions of interconnected systems.

While AI tools helped researchers find and understand the flaws faster than ever before, the same technology could equally empower attackers, compressing the window organisations have to respond.

As PHP2Shell shows, cybersecurity resilience today depends as much on visibility into sprawling, often-hidden software dependencies as on the speed of releasing a patch.

Context

• When the Modi government assumed office in May 2014, Information and Broadcasting Minister promised to transform Prasar Bharati along the lines of the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC), ensuring administrative autonomy, editorial independence and accountability to Parliament.
• However, twelve years later, public broadcasting continues to face government interference.
• The broadcast of Mann Ki Baat on September 27, 2026, illustrates the continuing use of public airwaves as a platform for the government of the day.

The Unfulfilled BBC Model

• Nehru’s vision of broadcasting autonomy
  • The Emergency of 1975 exposed the dangers of political control when All India Radio (AIR) and Doordarshan became instruments of the ruling regime.
  • In 1948, Jawaharlal Nehru advocated a semi-autonomous broadcasting corporation inspired by the BBC, arguing that broadcasting should not operate as a government department.
  • Former BBC bureau chief Mark Tully emphasised that public service broadcasting is different from government broadcasting.
  • It must remain free from government interference and prioritise public interest over commercial profitability.
• The Prasar Bharati Act and its objectives
  • Following the Emergency, the Janata government commissioned B.G. Verghese to recommend reforms.
  • His proposals informed the Prasar Bharati Bill of 1979, which lapsed.
  • A revised Bill received presidential assent in 1990 as the Prasar Bharati (Broadcasting Corporation of India) Act, 1990, but was implemented only in 1997.
  • Section 12 requires Prasar Bharati to inform, educate and entertain while safeguarding citizens’ right to receive information freely, truthfully and objectively.
  • It also mandates balanced reporting and contrasting viewpoints without ideological advocacy.
• The gap between promise and practice
  • Despite this legislative vision, Prasar Bharati has failed to achieve genuine autonomy.
  • The political establishment’s inconsistent approach is evident in its initial praise of the BBC model and subsequent criticism of the broadcaster following its 2023 documentary, India: The Modi Question.

At the Ministry’s Mercy

• Weak parliamentary oversight
  • Section 13 provides for a 22-member parliamentary committee to oversee the corporation, but successive governments have failed to constitute it.
  • Former chief executive has argued that ministers prefer retaining direct control over broadcasting officials.
• Absence of an Independent Complaints’ Mechanism
  • Sections 14 and 15 envisage a Broadcasting Council to address complaints and safeguard political impartiality.
  • Its absence has deprived citizens of an effective mechanism for editorial accountability.
• Administrative and financial dependence
  • The Board has been weakened by bureaucratic appointments, while assets and staff have not been fully transferred.
  • Financial dependence on the government restricts independent decision-making.
  • Section 23 also allows the Centre to issue binding broadcasting directions, undermining editorial independence.
  • Section 10 envisaged an independent recruitment board, but implementation was delayed until 2020.
  • The appointment of Jagadish Upasane, associated with the publisher of Panchajanya and Organiser, raised concerns about political influence.
• Staffing imbalance and editorial priorities
  • A 2021 manpower audit revealed structural imbalances.
  • Nearly half of Prasar Bharati’s approximately 25,000 employees worked in engineering, compared with slightly over 10% at the BBC.
  • Content staff accounted for less than 20%, against approximately 70% at the BBC.
  • This suggested that Prasar Bharati functioned primarily as a transmission network rather than a content-driven broadcaster.
• Public broadcasting and judicial principles
  • UNESCO’s 2001 definition establishes that public broadcasting must be neither commercial nor state-controlled.
  • Even Public Service Broadcasting Day, commemorating Mahatma Gandhi’s 1947 broadcast to refugees, has become largely symbolic.
  • In the 1995 Secretary, Ministry of Information and Broadcasting vs Cricket Association of Bengal judgment, Justice P.B. Sawant affirmed that airwaves are public property and called for an independent authority to regulate their use.

Necessary Reform and the Way Forward

• Institutional and legislative reforms
  • Restoring Prasar Bharati’s autonomy requires constituting the parliamentary committee and Broadcasting Council, transferring assets and staff, and establishing a professionally managed Board.
  • Funding must minimise government interference, while operational control by Indian Information Service officers must be reduced.
  • The 1990 Act must be amended wherever its provisions enable excessive government control.
• Political commitment and accountability
  • These reforms require sustained political commitment. Parties often advocate autonomy in opposition but seek control after assuming power.
  • In August 2026, the government informed the Lok Sabha that it had received no formal complaints concerning Prasar Bharati’s autonomy during the preceding year.
  • However, the absence of complaints proves little when the statutory council intended to receive them has never been established.
• Lessons from past reform efforts
  • The Chanda Committee, appointed in 1966, concluded that a psychological transformation in the government’s approach to broadcasting was necessary.
  • Six decades later, this transformation remains incomplete.

Conclusion

• Prasar Bharati demonstrates the gap between legislative intent and institutional reality.
• Despite the framework established by the 1990 Act, successive governments have failed to implement essential safeguards.
• An independent public broadcaster is vital for informed citizenship, pluralistic debate and accountable governance.
• Its credibility depends on editorial freedom, professional management, financial independence and parliamentary oversight.
• Ultimately, public broadcasting must serve citizens, not the government of the day.

Context

• For millions of tribal and forest-dwelling communities, land ownership is essential for livelihood security, economic independence and social empowerment.
• The Forest Rights Act (FRA), 2006, has strengthened their rights over forest land, but legal recognition alone cannot ensure prosperity.
• Sustainable agriculture, improved soil and water management, institutional support and market access are necessary to make these lands productive.
• Promoting pulses and oilseeds on FRA-recognised lands can increase tribal incomes, strengthen domestic agricultural production, improve nutrition and reduce India's dependence on imports.

The Potential of Pulses and Oilseeds

• Pulses and oilseeds are suitable for many tribal regions because they can adapt to rain-fed conditions, marginal soils and diverse agro-climatic environments.
• Their cultivation can diversify farming, improve incomes and strengthen climate resilience.
• Pulses contribute to protein security, while oilseeds support domestic edible-oil production.
• Tribal districts across 33 States and Union Territories exhibit significant ecological and socio-economic diversity.
• Crop selection must therefore reflect local soil, rainfall, water availability and agricultural practices.
• Analysis based on the FAO soil map identifies several tribal regions suitable for soybean, groundnut, sunflower, mustard, chickpea and other pulses.
• Paddy and maize dominate the Kharif season in many areas, while wheat, gram, mustard, lentil and other pulses are important Rabi crops.
• Regional crops such as millets, cotton, sesame, spices and horticultural produce offer further opportunities for sustainable agricultural diversification based on local conditions.

Scoping the Country

• An assessment of 244 tribal districts identifies substantial potential for expanding pulse and oilseed cultivation.
• For example,
  • 60 districts have significant oilseed production potential.
  • 31 districts have strong pulse production potential.
  • 23 districts are suitable for both pulses and oilseeds. 

Targeted Interventions Based on Findings

• Region-Specific Agricultural Planning
  • High-potential districts can be developed into pulse and oilseed production clusters.
  • Crop selection should consider soil characteristics, rainfall, irrigation and existing farming practices.
  • GIS-based crop planning can identify suitable areas, improve resource allocation and promote sustainable land use.
• Improving Agricultural Productivity
  • Access to certified seeds, improved varieties and scientific farming techniques is essential to raise productivity.
  • Better soil management, moisture conservation, irrigation and watershed development can reduce dependence on uncertain rainfall.
  • Stronger agricultural extension services can provide technical guidance and climate-related information.
• Strengthening Post-Harvest Infrastructure
  • Insufficient storage and processing facilities cause losses and reduce farmers' earnings.
  • Investment in drying, storage, grading and primary processing can preserve produce quality, reduce post-harvest losses and improve price realisation.
  • Local processing can also generate employment and promote rural enterprise.
• Expanding Institutional and Market Support
  • Farmer Producer Organisations (FPOs), cooperatives and self-help groups can help farmers aggregate produce, improve bargaining power and access markets.
  • Affordable institutional credit, crop insurance and assured procurement can reduce production and market risks.
  • Stronger connections with processors and traders can improve

Convergence with Government Programmes

• Coordinating FRA implementation with existing government schemes can strengthen agricultural development.
• Important initiatives include:
  • PM Krishi Sinchayee Yojana, supporting irrigation and water-use efficiency.
  • National Food Security and Nutrition Mission, promoting agricultural production and food security.
  • National Mission on Edible Oils, supporting domestic oilseed production.
  • PM Annadata Aay Sanrakshan Abhiyan, supporting farmers through price-support mechanisms.
  • Van Dhan Yojana, promoting tribal livelihoods and value addition.
  • Such convergence can improve access to technology, infrastructure, finance and markets, particularly in tribal districts overlapping with aspirational districts.

Towards Sustainable Tribal Development

• Agricultural expansion must prioritise environmental sustainability and community participation.
• Land development should conserve water, maintain soil fertility and protect ecological balance.
• Traditional livelihoods and forest-based resources must complement agricultural diversification.
• Progress should be assessed through improvements in household incomes, nutrition, livelihood resilience and long-term economic security, rather than production increases alone.

Conclusion

• The journey from forest rights to livelihood security begins with land recognition but requires sustained support to achieve meaningful outcomes.
• Region-specific crop planning, quality seeds, water management, processing infrastructure, institutional finance and reliable markets can unlock the potential of FRA lands.
• Integrating these measures with government programmes can advance tribal empowerment, food security, domestic oilseed production and climate-resilient agriculture, transforming legal land rights into sustainable economic opportunities.

Context:

• Recent geopolitical conflicts and the prospect of a strong El Niño are exposing two emerging vulnerabilities in Indian agriculture.
• The first is “fossilisation” of farming, where agriculture increasingly depends on fossil fuels and petrochemical inputs, and the second is “fuelisation” of food, where crops are diverted towards biofuel production.

From Bullocks to Fossil-Fuel Intensive Farming:

• At the beginning of the Green Revolution, Indian agriculture relied heavily on animal power and organic manure.
• In 1950-51, India had only about 8,500 tractors, while fertiliser consumption was merely 69,800 tonnes of N, P and K.
• Bullocks powered ploughing, threshing, transportation and traditional irrigation systems such as the rahat or Persian wheel. Cattle manure was the principal source of plant nutrients.
• The situation has changed dramatically. India now has over 1.2 crore tractors, with 11.6 lakh tractors sold in 2025-26 alone.
• Combines have replaced much manual harvesting and threshing, while electric and diesel pumps have replaced traditional water-lifting systems.
• Chemical fertiliser consumption has also surged to 33.5 million tonnes of N, P and K in 2025-26, with around 67.5% coming from urea and DAP.

Fossilisation Goes Beyond Tractors and Fertilisers:

• Agricultural dependence on hydrocarbons extends to crop-protection chemicals.
• Petrochemical feedstocks such as benzene, toluene, xylene, ethylene and propylene are used to manufacture active ingredients of insecticides, herbicides and fungicides.
• Their formulations also rely heavily on petroleum-based solvents and surfactants.
• This dependence makes agriculture vulnerable to geopolitical disruptions in energy markets.
• Conflicts in West Asia and the Black Sea region have sharply increased the prices of LNG, a key feedstock for nitrogen fertilisers, and naphtha, an important petrochemical input.
• Sulphur is another critical vulnerability. It is essential for producing phosphatic fertilisers (DAP and SSP) and is largely obtained as a by-product of oil refining and natural-gas processing.
• Its price has risen sharply amid disruptions to Russian and West Asian energy infrastructure.
• Thus, wars affecting oil, gas and refineries can indirectly raise the cost and availability of agricultural inputs.

Fuelisation of Food - Agriculture as an Energy Source:

• The second trend is “fuelisation of food”—using agricultural commodities as feedstock for biofuels.
• India produces ethanol from sugarcane, rice, maize and other starch-rich crops, with ethanol blending in petrol targeted at 20%.
• Vegetable oils can similarly be converted into FAME (fatty acid methyl esters) for blending with diesel.
• This creates a potential food-versus-fuel trade-off. If crude oil prices remain high, the economic incentive to divert food crops and edible oils towards biofuel production increases.
• Indonesia’s mandatory blending of palm-oil-derived FAME illustrates the scale of this trend.

The War-El Niño Double Shock:

• A very strong El Niño, if it materialises, could create an additional supply shock through heat, rainfall disruption and reduced agricultural productivity.
• If this coincides with high energy and input prices, Indian agriculture could face a twin shock of geopolitical instability and climate variability.
• A historical parallel is 1979-80, when Indian agriculture contracted by 12.8%, while the oil import bill doubled following the Iranian Revolution.
• However, India is better placed today. Agriculture has become more diversified, with rising contributions from dairying, poultry, aquaculture and horticulture.
• Irrigation coverage has also expanded substantially—from 17.1% of gross cropped area in 1950-51 and 29% in 1979-80 to about 56% today.

Way Forward - Reduce Input Vulnerability and Inefficient Agriculture:

• Improve fertiliser-use efficiency:
  • Excessive dependence on urea and DAP needs to be reduced because their nutrient-use efficiency is low.
  • Only about one-third of nitrogen applied through urea is absorbed by crops, while much phosphorus from DAP becomes unavailable through soil fixation.
• Promote balanced fertilisation: Greater use of ammonium sulphate and complex fertilisers with balanced nutrients can reduce nitrogen losses and phosphorus lock-up.
• Expand biostimulants: These can improve root development, nutrient uptake and plant metabolic efficiency.
• Reduce chemical pesticide dependence: Plant-based or biological approaches that activate crops’ natural defence and adaptation mechanisms can reduce reliance on petrochemical pesticides.
• Promote renewable irrigation: Solar-powered pumps combined with drip irrigation can reduce diesel/electricity dependence while improving water-use efficiency.
• Balance food and fuel security: Biofuel policies must remain sensitive to food availability, especially during climate-induced production shocks.

Conclusion:

• The policy objective should be to build an agriculture system that is less fossil-fuel intensive, more nutrient- and water-efficient, climate-resilient and careful about the food-versus-fuel trade-off.
• The emerging combination of war and climate shocks makes this transition increasingly

Why in the News?

• US Secretary of State Marco Rubio’s October 2026 visit to Reliance Industries’ Jamnagar refinery highlighted the US’ push for India to increase Venezuelan oil imports.

What’s in Today’s Article?

• India’s Energy Security (Background, Import Dependence, Venezuela’s Role, India’s Refining Capacity & Commercial Constraints, Venezuelan vs Russian Oil, Geopolitical Dimensions)

India’s Energy Security and Import Dependence

• India is among the world's largest crude oil importers, making energy security a critical component of its economic and foreign policy.
• Crude oil imports support transportation, manufacturing, petrochemicals and other essential sectors, but expose the economy to global price fluctuations and geopolitical disruptions.
• India has pursued energy-source diversification by sourcing crude from more than 40 countries. However, a relatively small group of suppliers accounts for a substantial share of total imports.
• Russia emerged as India's largest crude supplier after the Russia-Ukraine war began in February 2022. Western restrictions on Russian oil created opportunities for Indian refiners to purchase discounted crude, reshaping India's import basket.
• The West Asia crisis has further highlighted the importance of diversifying supplies to reduce vulnerability to disruptions along critical shipping routes and in major oil-producing regions.

Venezuela’s Role in India’s Crude Oil Basket

• Venezuela possesses vast oil reserves, but its production remains limited relative to its resource base. Its flagship Merey crude is particularly heavy and contains high levels of sulphur, making it suitable mainly for refineries equipped with advanced processing capabilities.
• India resumed Venezuelan oil imports after the United States eased restrictions. Imports rose from virtually zero before the recent crisis to approximately 350,000 barrels per day (bpd) in August 2026, before declining to around 200,000 bpd in September.
• During April-August 2026, India imported Venezuelan crude worth approximately US$3.59 billion. Reliance Industries accounted for 74.3% of these imports, reflecting the importance of its Jamnagar refinery complex.

Refining Capacity and Commercial Constraints

• US efforts to increase Venezuelan oil exports to India face several technical and economic limitations.
• Refinery compatibility
  • Venezuelan Merey crude is extremely heavy and highly sulphurous. Reliance's Jamnagar complex, with combined crude-processing capacity of approximately 1.4 million bpd, is particularly well equipped to process it.
  • However, only a limited number of Indian refineries can handle substantial volumes of Venezuelan crude.
  • Refining capability therefore places a natural limit on how much India can import without changing its existing crude mix or making additional investments.
• Freight and landed cost
  • Venezuelan crude may be offered at a discount of approximately US$25 per barrel to Brent, the international benchmark. However, shipping to India's west coast can cost around US$35 per barrel.
  • These transportation costs can eliminate the apparent price advantage and make Venezuelan crude more expensive on a delivered basis.
  • The economics of transporting smaller cargoes can be particularly challenging because very large crude carriers (VLCCs) are generally more cost-efficient for long-distance shipments.
• Competition from other suppliers
  • Crude supplies from West Asia are gradually returning to the market, including heavier grades from Iraq. These supplies benefit from shorter shipping distances and lower freight costs, making them potentially more competitive than Venezuelan crude.
  • Consequently, Indian refiners must assess crude purchases on the basis of total delivered cost, quality, processing requirements and reliability rather than headline discounts alone.

Venezuelan Crude and Russian Oil: Different Roles

• Venezuelan oil cannot readily replace India's large volumes of Russian crude because the two supplies differ in quality, refinery compatibility and commercial terms.
• Russia supplied approximately 1.9 million bpd of crude to India in September 2026, accounting for more than 35% of India's total oil imports that month. Imports had reached a reported high of 2.8 million bpd in July.
• Russian Urals crude is more compatible with a broader range of Indian refining facilities than Venezuela's particularly heavy Merey grade. Replacing Russian supplies with Venezuelan crude on a large scale would therefore require substantial adjustments to refinery operations and procurement strategies.
• The United States has encouraged India to buy more Venezuelan crude while also seeking a reduction in Russian oil purchases. However, these objectives need not be treated as inseparable. India can diversify its sources without making an automatic commitment to reduce purchases from Russia.
• For India, the central consideration is whether each transaction supports energy security and provides acceptable commercial returns.

Geopolitical Dimensions of the US Push

• Washington's interest in Venezuelan crude reflects both energy-market and geopolitical considerations. Increasing exports to buyers such as India could help establish a larger market for Venezuelan oil under US oversight.
• India's large refining sector makes it an attractive destination, particularly because relatively few countries can process heavy Venezuelan crude at scale.
• At the same time, energy trade has become closely linked to broader US-India economic relations, including negotiations over a bilateral trade agreement and discussions about sanctions on Russian energy.
• This creates a policy challenge for India: it must preserve constructive relations with the US while retaining flexibility in sourcing energy according to domestic economic requirements.
• Any additional commitments should be assessed against clearly defined terms covering pricing, supply reliability, investment obligations, commercial returns and the duration of demand.

About Kushiyara River:

• It is a transboundary river between India and Bangladesh.
• It is a distributary of the Barak river.
• Course:
  • It originates at the India-Bangladesh border as a branch of the Barak River, known as the Amlshid bifurcation point.
  • Flowing westward, the River forms the boundary between Assam, India, and the Sylhet District of
  • Along its course, it passes through towns like Zakigonj, Sylhet, and Karimganj, Assam, before entering entirely into the Beanibazar Upazila of Bangladesh.
  • The river then meanders southwestward, passing several villages and eventually joining the Meghna River.
• The Kushiyara River receives contributions from various significant tributaries, including:
  • Juri River (from the east)
  • Manu River (Monu River) (from the south)
  • Itakhola River
• In 2022, India and Bangladesh signed the Kushiyara River Water Agreement, which represents a critical turning point in their water-sharing relationship.
  • This is the first water-sharing agreement between India and Bangladesh since the historic Ganga Water Treaty of 1996.
  • The agreement aims to address the problems of seasonal water scarcity and flooding in both Assam, India, and Sylhet, Bangladesh.
  • This allocation ensures adequate water for irrigation in Sylhet’s dry-season (Boro) rice cultivation.
  • The water of Kushiyara will be channelled through the Rahimpur Canal project in Sylhet.
  • Unlike the Teesta River dispute with West Bengal, the Kushiyara agreement does not require state-level approval from Assam.

About eMudhra Limited:

• It is an Indian digital trust company that provides digital certificates and services for verifying identities and securing online transactions.
• It operates as a certificate authority (CA), an organisation that issues digital certificates to help websites and other entities prove their identity online.
  • A digital certificate works much like an identity card for a website.
  • When someone visits a banking website, for example, the browser checks its certificate to help establish that it is connecting to the genuine website rather than an impostor.
  • CA’s issue these certificates, which browsers use to determine whether a website's identity can be trusted.
• eMudhra also provides digital signature certificates and electronic signing services that allow people and businesses to sign documents online.
• The company is listed by the Controller of Certifying Authorities (CCA), the government body responsible for licensing and regulating certifying authorities in India.
• eMudhra is also associated with Aadhaar-linked electronic know-your-customer (e-KYC) services, according to the Unique Identification Authority of India (UIDAI).
• eMudhra is not the only company authorised to issue digital certificates in India.
  • The CCA's list includes other providers such as Protean, C-DAC, Capricorn and VSign
  • Their services vary, but they operate within India's regulated digital-signature ecosystem.

Why Do Websites Need Security Certificates?

• When someone visits a website, the browser needs to check that it is connecting to the genuine website and that information exchanged with it is protected from being read or altered by others.
• This is where HTTPS (Hypertext Transfer Protocol Secure) comes in.
• It helps secure the connection between a website and a browser using a system called Transport Layer Security (TLS).
• As part of this process, the website presents a digital certificate that helps the browser verify its identity.
• The digital certificate links the website's name to a public key, while the website keeps a matching private key secret.
• The browser checks the certificate to see whether it was issued by an authority it trusts and whether it is valid.
• If these checks succeed, the browser can establish an encrypted connection.
• This helps protect information such as passwords, payment details and private messages as they travel across the internet.
• However, a secure connection does not guarantee that a website is legitimate or that its content is safe.
• It helps confirm the website's identity and protects information exchanged with it, but a fraudulent website can also have a valid security certificate.

About Agrivoltaics:

• Agrivoltaics, also known as Agri-Photovoltaics (AgriPV), agrisolar, or dual-use solar, is the practice of utilizing the same land for both farming and solar power generation.
• This combination helps address two pressing issues: clean energy production and sustainable agriculture.
• The idea of agrivoltaics has been around since the 1980s. After the turn of the millennium, the concept of agrivoltaics was put into practice and researched in pilot plants, first in Japan, then in Germany and France.
• However, it is only in recent years that the implementation of this concept of agrivoltaics has gained momentum.
• Agrivoltaics designs vary depending on crop type, geography, and climatic conditions:
  • Elevated systems: Solar panels are mounted several metres above the ground, allowing normal farming below.
  • Row-based systems: Panels are placed between crop rows to reduce shading impact.
  • Vertical systems: Upright panels capture sunlight from both sides, suitable for certain crops.
  • Greenhouse-integrated systems: Panels are incorporated into greenhouse structures to regulate light and temperature.
• Agrivoltaic systems can create unique microenvironments that benefit both energy generation and crop growth:
  • Improved Water Efficiency: The shade from solar panels reduces evaporation, helping soil retain moisture for longer periods. Studies indicate water savings of up to 30% in agrivoltaic setups.
  • Temperature Regulation: Partial shade from panels helps maintain optimal temperatures for certain crops, particularly during intense summer heat.
  • Enhanced Plant Growth: Many crops, especially shade-tolerant varieties, show improved yields when grown under solar panels due to reduced heat stress and better water retention.
• Agrivoltaics Status in India:
  • Agrivoltaics in India is currently at a nascent and pilot-based stage, with nearly 50 installations across the country experimenting with different crop–panel combinations and assessing their economic viability.
  • The MNRE estimates that an extra 630 GWp of solar power could be produced by putting solar panels on just 1% of India's agricultural land.

About Badr Memorandum of Understanding (MoU):

• It is a new defence cooperation agreement signed by Turkey, Qatar, Pakistan, and Indonesia.
• The agreement aims to expand cooperation in military production, research and development, technical training, and joint military exercises.
• It will contribute to transforming the complementary capabilities of Qatar, Pakistan, Indonesia, and Turkey into concrete projects.
• The four countries would identify their respective requirements within their national security frameworks.
  • Following this, an “executive board” would ideate plans for joint production.
  • These plans would then be forwarded to a “strategic board” which would make the final decisions on budgets and production locations.
  • Notably, joint production facilities are expected to be established in Turkey, which has the region’s most extensive defence industry infrastructure.
• The agreement could also expand to include other countries, subject to criteria agreed upon by its four founding members.

About Carbon Offsetting and Reduction Scheme for International Aviation (CORSIA):

• It is a global market-based mechanism to reduce carbon emissions from international flights.
• It was adopted by the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO) in 2016.
• It is the first global market-based measure for any industry sector.
• Under CORSIA, airlines compensate for their international flight’s CO₂ emissions by purchasing carbon offsets.
  • A carbon offset is a credit for carbon reductions made by one party that can be purchased to compensate for the emissions generated by another party.
• Under CORSIA, airlines operating international flights between participating states must monitor, report, and verify (MRV) their CO₂ emissions, and purchase eligible emissions units ("offsets") to compensate for growth in emissions above an established baseline.
• Originally the baseline was set as the average of 2019 and 2020 emissions, but in 2020 the ICAO Council adjusted the baseline to 2019-only levels to prevent the COVID-19 collapse in air travel from making the scheme unduly stringent.
• CORSIA only applies to international flights. Domestic emissions fall under the scope of the UNFCCC and are covered by the Paris Agreement.
• The scheme runs in phases:
  • A pilot phase (2021–2023) and first phase (2024–2026), both voluntary, in which roughly 120+ states have volunteered.
  • A mandatory phase (2027-2035), covering all ICAO member states except those exempted (least developed countries, small island developing states, landlocked developing countries, and states with very small shares of international aviation activity).
• Compliance reports covering 2024‑2026 emissions are due to national authorities by 31 January 2028.
• Environmental Integrity:
  • There are several ways to achieve CO₂ reductions that can be used as offsets, many of which bring other social, environmental, or economic benefits relevant to sustainable development.
  • Such offsets can be sourced from various types of activities, including, for example, the deployment of renewable energy, clean cooking technologies, methane capture, forestry, and other emissions-reducing projects.
  • To ensure the environmental integrity of CORSIA, the ICAO Council periodically approves a list of programs that can supply CORSIA Eligible Emissions Units (EEUs) to be used for compliance.

Key Facts about International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO):

• ICAO is a United Nations (UN) specialized agency, established in 1944 by the Convention on International Civil Aviation (1944), known as the Chicago Convention.
• It is dedicated to developing safe and efficient international air transport for peaceful purposes.
• Member countries: It consists of 193 Member States
• Headquarters: Montreal, Canada.
• Governance:
  • ICAO Assembly: It is convened every three years, is the organization’s sovereign body, comprising all 193 signatory States to the Chicago Convention.
  • ICAO Council: It consists of 36-member, elected by the 193 Member States during the Assembly, and serves as the governing body for a three-year term.
• Functions:
  • It sets standards and regulations necessary for aviation safety, security and facilitation, efficiency, and economic development of air transport as well as to improve the environmental performance of aviation.
  • It also serves as a clearinghouse for cooperation and discussion on civil aviation issues among its 193 member states.
  • It also promotes regional and international agreements aimed at liberalizing aviation markets.
  • It helps to establish legal standards to ensure that the growth of aviation does not compromise safety and encourages the development of other aspects of international aviation law.