Why in news?

The Union Government has informed the Supreme Court that it does not support new hydroelectric projects on the Alaknanda and Bhagirathi rivers, the main headstreams of the Ganga, marking a significant policy shift.

The issue gained prominence after the 2013 Kedarnath disaster, following which the Supreme Court ordered a review of existing and proposed hydropower projects in Uttarakhand and halted fresh environmental and forest clearances.

The government’s current unified position comes after more than a decade of internal disagreements, balancing Uttarakhand’s economic interests, the need to preserve ecological flow in the Ganga, and concerns over the fragile Himalayan ecosystem.

What’s in Today’s Article?

• Committees, Reviews and Policy Deadlock
• Revisiting Hydropower Assessments in Upper Ganga
• Conclusion

Committees, Reviews and Policy Deadlock

• Following the Supreme Court’s 2013 order, the Environment Ministry set up an expert panel led by Ravi Chopra to assess whether hydropower projects worsened the Kedarnath disaster and threatened biodiversity in the upper Ganga basin.
• The committee concluded that 23 of 24 proposed hydroelectric projects would harm biodiversity, a view supported by the Environment Ministry.
• Institutional Disagreement
  • The Central Electricity Authority (CEA) and Central Water Commission (CWC) opposed this conclusion, arguing that hydropower had a minimal ecological footprint and was not linked to the 2013 disaster.
  • Meanwhile, project developers approached the Supreme Court seeking removal of the clearance freeze.
• Second Expert body (EB-II)
  • In 2015, the Supreme Court directed the formation of a second panel under B.P. Das to examine:
    • Cumulative environmental impact
    • Carrying capacity of the Ganga basin
    • Glacial movement and seismic risks
    • Socio-economic implications
• Continued Policy Deadlock
  • EB-II initially cleared the six disputed projects. However, internal differences emerged between the Environment Ministry, Jal Shakti Ministry, and Power Ministry, delaying a final decision.
  • In its broader review of 70 hydropower projects, EB-II found:
    • 19 already operational
    • Recommended 28 of the remaining 51 projects
  • However, the Jal Shakti Ministry opposed these recommendations in 2019, prolonging the deadlock.
  • In 2021, the Centre adopted a compromise position, supporting only seven projects that were already substantially completed or had advanced financial investments.

Revisiting Hydropower Assessments in Upper Ganga

• In 2024, the Supreme Court directed a committee headed by Cabinet Secretary T.V. Somanathan to reconsider the recommendations of the EB-II, stating that if the Centre rejected them, it must provide clear reasons.
• After consulting the Uttarakhand government, central ministries, and civil society, the committee recommended only five hydropower projects:
  • Bowala Nandprayag
  • Devsari
  • Bhyundar Ganga
  • Jhalakoti
  • Urgam-II
• Key Concerns Considered
  • Disaster Vulnerability - The committee flagged the threat from glacial lake outburst floods (GLOFs), citing the 2023 Sikkim disaster as evidence of severe downstream risks.
  • Ecological Impact - Projects with significant ecological consequences were excluded from consideration.
• Centre’s Final Position
  • In January 2026, the Supreme Court gave the Centre three months for a final decision.
  • The government ultimately argued against new hydropower projects, describing the Alaknanda and Bhagirathi basins as unique (‘sui generis’) due to their ecological, geological, and cultural significance.
• Evidence of Fragility
  • The Centre cited recent disasters such as:
    • 2021 Rishi Ganga floods
    • Joshimath flash floods
    • Land subsidence in Joshimath
  • It also highlighted the region’s rich ecological sensitivity, including:
    • Nanda Devi National Park
    • Valley of Flowers National Park
    • Gangotri National Park
    • Kedarnath Wildlife Sanctuary
    • Bhagirathi Eco-Sensitive Zone

Conclusion

The Centre’s evolving stance on hydropower projects in the upper Ganga reflects a broader shift from development-first thinking to ecological caution in fragile Himalayan regions.

The long policy journey underscores the challenge of balancing energy needs, economic interests, and environmental sustainability.

As climate risks intensify and disasters become more frequent, the upper Ganga may emerge as a defining test case for environmentally responsible infrastructure planning in India.

Why in news?

Russian President Vladimir Putin’s visit to Beijing, coming just days after US President Donald Trump’s trip, highlights China’s growing role as a central hub of global diplomacy.

While the US seeks to stabilise strained relations with China, Russia is looking to secure continued economic support from Beijing and maintain its strategic relevance amid global geopolitical shifts.

Given that the US, China, and Russia are key systemic powers, the nature of their interactions will significantly shape the future global order.

Putin’s visit is therefore important not just for bilateral ties, but for regional and global strategic stability, raising questions about whether the deepening Russia–China partnership could eventually evolve into a formal military alliance.

What’s in Today’s Article?

• History of Russia-China Relations
• Deepening Russia–China Strategic Partnership
• Key Outcomes of the Putin–Xi Summit
• Are Russia and China Moving Towards a Military Alliance
• Implications for India’s Security

History of Russia-China Relations

• Russia-China relations have evolved through three phases—imperial, Soviet, and post-Soviet.
• Despite a long 4,300-km border, ties were mostly stable, though China remembers 19th-century territorial losses to Russia as part of its “century of humiliation.”
• Relations strengthened after China’s Communist revolution, culminating in the 1950 Treaty of Friendship, but ideological and strategic differences triggered the Sino-Soviet split and 1969 armed clashes.
• This enabled US-China rapprochement in the 1970s, affecting India’s security.
• After the Soviet collapse, ties revived with the 1992 Strategic Partnership Treaty, reaching new heights under Putin and Xi, who declared a “no-limits” partnership in 2022.

Deepening Russia–China Strategic Partnership

• Russia and China have developed strong political and economic interdependence, driven by complementary strengths.
• While China provides markets, technology, and capital, Russia supplies energy and defence products.
• Western sanctions after the Ukraine war significantly increased Russia’s dependence on China, which now accounts for about 32% of Russia’s total trade ($228 billion out of $700 billion in 2025).
• Chinese firms have filled the vacuum left by Western companies in automobiles, telecom, and electronics, while Russia increasingly relies on Chinese semiconductors and industrial technology.
• Energy ties have deepened through the Power of Siberia gas pipelines.
• Politically, frequent leadership interactions reflect strategic closeness, while bilateral trade in yuan and ruble signals growing de-dollarisation of economic ties.

Key Outcomes of the Putin–Xi Summit

• Expanded Bilateral Cooperation - The Putin–Xi summit was seen as more productive than the earlier Trump–Xi meeting, resulting in a joint statement and over 40 agreements covering: Energy, Technology, Investment etc. However, no concrete agreement was reached on the Power of Siberia-2 gas pipeline.
• Strategic Objective - The summit reflected the shared goal of building strong bilateral ties resilient to global uncertainty and Western pressure, especially in the backdrop of geopolitical tensions.
• Common Geopolitical Stand - Without directly naming the United States, both leaders criticised unilateralism and hegemonic policies and reiterated support for: A multipolar world order; Democratisation of global institutions.
• Core Message - The summit underscored Russia and China’s determination to deepen strategic cooperation, protect shared interests, and collectively counter Western dominance in global affairs.

Are Russia and China Moving Towards a Military Alliance

• Russia and China are drawing closer due to changing global geopolitics, particularly their shared perception of the United States as a structural rival.
• However, they are not natural allies in terms of culture, ideology, political systems, or historical affinity.
• A military alliance involves a formal commitment to defend each other against external threats. Despite growing cooperation, both countries are cautious about the risks associated with such alliances.
• China does not want to be dragged into Russia’s confrontation with the West, especially over Ukraine. Russia, likewise, is reluctant to become entangled in China’s tensions with the US over Taiwan.
• While strategic and military cooperation between Russia and China is expected to deepen, a formal military alliance appears unlikely in the near future, as both seek flexibility rather than binding security commitments.
• Recent US-China diplomatic engagement has further reduced the likelihood of such an alliance in the short term.

Implications for India’s Security

• Russia’s growing dependence on China poses a significant strategic challenge for India. For the past two decades, India has maintained a balancing strategy by deepening security ties with the United States while preserving strong relations with Russia.
• However, this diplomatic space is shrinking as both Washington and Moscow seek closer engagement with Beijing.
• As a result, India may need to recalibrate its strategic approach, as reliance on the US for continental security balancing appears increasingly uncertain, particularly under the current geopolitical circumstances.

Why in the News?

• The Supreme Court has clarified that sedition trials and appeals under Section 124A IPC may proceed where the accused has no objection, partially relaxing its 2022 freeze on such proceedings.

What’s in Today’s Article?

• Sedition Law (Background, Constitutional Position, Criticism & Misuse, etc.)
• News Summary

Sedition Law in India

• The colonial sedition law in India was contained in Section 124A of the Indian Penal Code (IPC), introduced in 1890 by the British.
• It made it an offence to bring or attempt to bring into hatred or contempt, or excite disaffection towards the government established by law in India.
• Punishment under Section 124A ranged from:

• Imprisonment for life (with or without fine), or
• Imprisonment up to three years (with or without a fine), or
• Fine alone.

• The law was used against several freedom fighters, including Mahatma Gandhi and Bal Gangadhar Tilak, to suppress political dissent.

Constitutional Position and Kedar Nath Singh Case

• After independence, sedition’s validity was challenged as violating freedom of speech and expression under Article 19(1)(a).
• In Kedar Nath Singh v. State of Bihar (1962), a Constitution Bench of the Supreme Court:

• Upheld Section 124A as constitutionally valid,
• But narrowed its scope: sedition would apply only where speech or expression involves:
• Incitement to violence, or
• Intention or tendency to create public disorder or disturb law and order.

• Mere criticism of the government, however strong or intemperate, was held not to be sedition unless it had a violent or disorderly tendency.

Criticism and Misuse

• Over time, Section 124A came under intense criticism for:

• Being vague and overbroad,
• Being used against journalists, activists, students and ordinary citizens for:
• Social media posts,
• Peaceful protests,
• Political criticism.

Supreme Court Interim Order

• In May 2022, while the Union Government said it would re-examine and reconsider Section 124A, the Supreme Court passed an important interim order and put the operation of Section 124A on hold, pending the review.

• The Court directed Union and State governments:
• Not to register new FIRs under Section 124A.
• To keep all ongoing investigations, trials and proceedings in abeyance.
• Also stated that those already in jail under sedition could seek bail.

• This effectively froze the practical use of Section 124A, though it was not formally struck down.

Transition to the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS)

• With the replacement of the IPC by the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS), a new provision, Section 152 BNS, criminalises acts that endanger the sovereignty, unity and integrity of India.
• Petitioners have argued that Section 152 is effectively a “repackaged” sedition law, and its validity is under challenge before the Supreme Court.
• The Court has also noted orally that the Executive’s decision to “review” sedition under the old IPC does not prevent Parliament from enacting a similar provision in the new code, since the legislature functions independently.

News Summary

• Four years after its 2022 interim order effectively put sedition proceedings on hold, the Supreme Court has now clarified that trials and appeals involving Section 124A IPC can proceed if the accused has no objection.
• The Court issued this clarification while hearing a plea by a man who has been in jail for 17 years in a sedition case, with his criminal appeal pending before the Madhya Pradesh High Court.
• The Bench recorded that the petitioner expressly wanted his appeal to be heard in full, including the charge under Section 124A. On that basis, the Court stated:
  • Wherever the accused has no objection to the continuation of the trial, appeal, or any other proceeding in which he has been charged under Section 124A IPC, there shall be no impediment for the courts to decide such matters on merits and in accordance with law.
• The Supreme Court directed the Madhya Pradesh High Court to take up the petitioner’s appeal forthwith, along with connected matters, and decide them on the merits.

Context: 2022 Stay on Sedition Proceedings

• In its May 2022 interim order, SC had put all trials, investigations and proceedings under Section 124A in abeyance and “Hoped and expected” that the Centre and States would:

• Not file new FIRs,
• Not continue investigations,
• Not to take coercive steps under Section 124A, while the Union re-examined the provision.
• The Court had then emphasised the need to balance:
• The security interests and integrity of the State, and
• The civil liberties of citizens.

• The new clarification does not lift the 2022 protections generally; instead, it carves out a limited exception: where the accused themselves want their cases to proceed (for example, to secure an acquittal or an early final decision), courts are free to conduct trials or hear appeals and pronounce judgments.

Link with Ongoing BNS Challenges

• In February 2026, CJI Surya Kant had also observed orally that the Union’s earlier decision to review sedition under the IPC cannot stop Parliament from introducing a similar offence in the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita.
• This remark came while hearing PILs challenging various provisions of the BNS, including Section 152, which criminalises acts deemed to endanger India’s sovereignty, unity and integrity.
• Petitioners argue that Section 152 BNS is essentially a “rebranded” sedition clause, and the Court is currently examining whether it suffers from the same constitutional defects long alleged against Section 124A IPC.

Significance

• The clarification offers procedural flexibility: accused persons who do not want their sedition cases to remain frozen for years can seek an early adjudication.
• At the same time, the general freeze on sedition prosecutions remains in place for those who wish to rely on the 2022 interim protection.
• The broader, substantive question of whether sedition-type offences (under either IPC 124A or BNS 152) are constitutional is still pending before the Supreme Court.

Why in News?

• The Indian rupee has witnessed a sharp depreciation, sliding close to ₹97 per US dollar amid rising oil prices, geopolitical tensions in West Asia, foreign capital outflows, and global financial uncertainty.
• The debate has intensified over whether the Reserve Bank of India should actively intervene or allow the rupee to “find its market level”.

What’s in Today’s Article?

• Why is the Rupee Falling?
• Debate on RBI Intervention
• Did Artificial Stabilisation Backfire?
• Exchange Rate Dynamics and Market Psychology
• Why Does Depreciation May Not Boost Exports Much?
• RBI’s Policy Approach
• Way Forward for India
• Conclusion

Why is the Rupee Falling?

• Pressure from the capital account:
  • Contrary to conventional explanations, the recent depreciation is not primarily due to weak macroeconomic fundamentals.
  • India continues to record relatively strong GDP growth, manageable inflation, and fiscal consolidation.
  • The core issue lies in the capital account:
    • Persistent Foreign Institutional Investor (FII) outflows since mid-2025.
    • Negative net Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) inflows during several months.
    • Rising US interest rates making dollar assets more attractive.
    • Heightened global risk aversion due to the West Asia crisis.
  • This has reduced dollar inflows into India while increasing demand for foreign currency.
• Role of balance of payments (BoP):
  • India traditionally runs a Current Account Deficit (CAD) because imports exceed exports.
  • This is usually financed through the FDI, portfolio investments, remittances, and external borrowing.
  • When capital inflows exceed the CAD, the BoP remains in surplus and supports the rupee.
  • However,
    • 2023-24 saw a large BoP surplus, allowing RBI to accumulate reserves.
    • 2024-25 moved back into deficit.
    • Capital outflows in 2025-26 intensified depreciation pressures.
  • Thus, the rupee weakened despite stable domestic fundamentals.

Debate on RBI Intervention:

• Argument for a market-determined rupee:
  • Economists argue that excessive intervention distorts markets.
  • A weaker rupee theoretically discourages imports, boosts exports, and restores external balance naturally.
  • They caution that defending a currency level can deplete forex reserves, delay necessary adjustments, and create future instability.
• Argument for RBI intervention:
  • Some economists argue that uncontrolled depreciation, especially when driven by speculative finance rather than fundamentals, can become dangerous.
  • Risks of unchecked depreciation:
    • Imported inflation, especially through crude oil.
    • Higher production costs due to import dependence.
    • Rising inflation expectations.
    • Panic-driven capital flight.
    • Adverse investor sentiment.
  • The RBI therefore intervenes not to target a fixed exchange rate, but to prevent “excessive and disruptive volatility.”

Did Artificial Stabilisation Backfire?

• A major policy debate concerns RBI actions during 2023-24, when the rupee was held largely within the ₹81-83 range.
• RBI sold or bought dollars aggressively to smooth movements. Critics argue this created an “artificial plateau”.
• As global pressures intensified later, the rupee saw a sharper fall because the depreciation that had been delayed earlier was eventually reflected quickly in the exchange rate.

Exchange Rate Dynamics and Market Psychology:

• Exchange rates are heavily influenced by sentiment.
• If investors expect further depreciation foreign investors withdraw funds, exporters delay dollar conversions, importers rush to buy dollars, and speculators intensify pressure.
• This creates a vicious cycle where expectations themselves accelerate depreciation.
• Economists explained such “overshooting” behaviour, where currencies move beyond equilibrium values in the short run.

Why Does Depreciation May Not Boost Exports Much?

• The textbook assumption that a weak currency automatically boosts exports is limited in India’s case because:
  • Indian exports are highly import-intensive.
  • Inputs such as crude oil, intermediate goods, and machinery become costlier.
  • Inflation erodes competitiveness gains.
• Moreover, if many emerging market currencies weaken simultaneously against the dollar, relative export competitiveness changes little.
• Thus, depreciation imposes immediate costs on households and firms without guaranteeing export gains.

RBI’s Policy Approach:

• The RBI maintains that exchange rates should remain market-determined, intervention is only to smooth volatility, and no fixed exchange rate target exists.
• India still possesses substantial forex reserves, credible monetary institutions, and relatively stable macroeconomic indicators.
• The IMF’s Integrated Policy Framework (IPF) also recognises forex intervention as a legitimate tool for emerging market economies during periods of excessive volatility.

Way Forward for India:

• Allow: Gradual market-driven adjustment while preventing speculative volatility.
• Strengthen: Long-term capital inflows through manufacturing and technology reforms (globally attractive AI and advanced-tech investment opportunities).
• Reduce: Import dependence, particularly in energy and critical intermediates.
• Expand: Export diversification and competitiveness under initiatives like “Make in India”.
• Deepen: Domestic financial markets to reduce vulnerability to external shocks.
• Maintain: Adequate forex reserves as a buffer against global uncertainty.

Conclusion:

• India should avoid both extremes — neither rigidly defending the rupee nor allowing disorderly depreciation. A calibrated strategy is essential.
• Ultimately, exchange-rate stability cannot rest solely on RBI intervention. Sustainable rupee strength will depend on improving India’s structural competitiveness, external resilience, and investor confidence in the long run.

Context

• The debate surrounding Ladakh after its conversion into a Union Territory has raised important questions about democracy, representation, and constitutional rights in India.
• The Union government argues that Ladakh’s sparse population, strategic sensitivity, and financial dependence make a legislature unnecessary, while presenting the creation of new districts as an alternative form of decentralisation.
• However, administrative decentralisation cannot replace genuine political participation.
• The demand for a legislature and Sixth Schedule protections is fundamentally a demand for self-governance, dignity, and democratic inclusion.

Administrative Decentralisation vs Political Representation

• Creation of New Districts
  • The announcement of new districts such as Nubra, Changthang, Sham, Zanskar, and Drass has been described as a major governance reform.
  • In a region marked by difficult terrain, harsh winters, and scattered settlements, increased administrative accessibility is certainly necessary.
• Limits of Administrative Governance
  • Despite these reforms, districts remain bureaucratic units rather than democratic institutions.
  • A district magistrate implements policies decided elsewhere, whereas a legislature creates laws and determines developmental priorities.
  • Districts cannot decide issues related to land rights, ecological preservation, employment, education policy, or cultural autonomy.
  • Thus, no amount of administrative convenience can substitute for political agency. Democracy requires institutions that allow people to shape decisions affecting their collective future.

Colonial Echoes in the Debate

• Paternalistic Arguments Against Self-Rule
  • The arguments used against Ladakh resemble the logic once employed by the British Empire against India.
  • Colonial rulers claimed that Indians were too poor, divided, and politically immature for self-government.
  • Sri Aurobindo responded with the ideal of Purna Swaraj, emphasizing that freedom and self-rule are essential to national dignity.
• Representation as a Constitutional Right
  • Today, Ladakhi are indirectly asked whether they are sufficiently populous, profitable, or capable to deserve representation.
  • Such reasoning reduces democracy to a privilege rather than a constitutional right. A frontier region cannot be denied representation simply because of its geography or population size.

Expendable Electoral Promises

• Assurances After Article 370
  • Following the abrogation of Article 370 in 2019 and the creation of the Union Territory, leaders of the Bharatiya Janata Party repeatedly promised constitutional safeguards and protections under the Sixth Schedule.
  • These promises appeared in election manifestoes during parliamentary and Hill Council elections.
• Ethical Concerns
  • After electoral victories were secured, these assurances weakened considerably. This raises serious ethical concerns regarding democratic accountability.
  • Trust in democracy depends not only on elections but also on the fulfilment of promises made to citizens, especially in sensitive frontier regions.

Lessons from the Northeast

• Strategic Regions and Statehood
  • The government’s argument regarding Ladakh’s strategic sensitivity is contradicted by examples from the Northeast.
  • Arunachal Pradesh shares one of India’s most sensitive borders with China, yet it received full statehood in 1987.
  • Its strategic importance was viewed as a reason for empowerment rather than restriction.
• Integration Through Belonging
  • Similarly, Nagaland, Mizoram, and Sikkim were granted statehood despite small populations and financial dependence on the Centre.
  • India recognised that frontier regions are integrated more effectively through belonging, political participation, and constitutional respect rather than military presence alone.

The Weakness of the Fiscal Argument

• Financial Dependence and Federalism
  • Another objection against Ladakh’s legislature is its economic dependence on the Centre.
  • However, India’s federal structure is based on redistribution through tax devolution and grants provided by the Finance Commission.
• Examples from Other States
  • Uttar Pradesh receives enormous financial support despite being India’s largest state. Bihar, Assam, and several Northeastern states also rely heavily on central assistance.
  • Fiscal dependence has never been treated as grounds for denying democratic representation. Democracy is not a reward for profitability.

Ladakh and India’s Developmental Future

• Renewable Energy and Economic Importance
  • Ladakh is increasingly central to India’s renewable energy ambitions.
  • Massive projects in the Pang region of Changthang are expected to generate nearly 13 gigawatts of power with investments worth thousands of crores.
• Need for Local Decision-Making
  • These projects involve critical questions regarding grazing rights, mining, tourism, solar parks, and environmental sustainability.
  • Decisions affecting local communities and future generations cannot be left solely to bureaucratic administration.
  • Such matters require a representative legislature accountable to the people.

Conclusion

• India’s strength lies in its constitutional ability to accommodate diversity while preserving unity.
• The Sixth Schedule itself reflects the understanding that fragile frontier regions require special protections.
• Uniformity cannot ensure justice, and administrative control cannot replace democratic representation.
• Ladakh’s demand is not a rejection of India but an appeal to belong more meaningfully within the Union.
• The demand for a legislature represents a desire for constitutional recognition, political participation, and the right to shape its own future.

Context

• The Promotion and Regulation of Online Gaming (PROG) Act, 2025 was enacted to protect individuals, particularly youth and vulnerable populations, from the harmful social, economic, and psychological effects of online gambling.
• The Act aimed to reduce addiction, financial losses, and privacy-related concerns associated with online games involving money.
• However, instead of eliminating gambling activities, the law has unintentionally encouraged users to shift toward illegal offshore platforms, creating new concerns related to cybercrime, money laundering, and weak consumer protection.
• The growing evidence suggests that a complete ban may not be the most effective solution in the digital era.

Rise in Offshore Platform Use

• Shift from Domestic to Illegal Platforms
  • Following the implementation of the PROG Act in October 2025, many users moved from regulated Indian gaming platforms to illegal offshore gambling websites.
  • According to studies conducted by CUTS International, offshore participation increased significantly after the ban.
  • In Delhi NCR, offshore usage rose from 68.3% to 82%.
  • In Tamil Nadu, it increased from 67.8% to 83.
  • In Maharashtra, the figure rose sharply to 91.7%.
  • Instead of abandoning online gambling, users increasingly relied on foreign platforms operating outside Indian laws and regulations.
• Technological Challenges
  • Offshore operators use advanced technologies such as VPNs, proxy servers, and encrypted applications like WhatsApp and Telegram to bypass restrictions.
  • When one domain is blocked, users are quickly redirected to mirror websites with minimal interruption.
  • The widespread use of these technologies weakens geographical restrictions and reduces the effectiveness of government bans.
  • As a result, users continue to access illegal gambling services despite repeated enforcement efforts.

A Case for Strong Regulation

• Ineffectiveness of Blanket Bans
  • Across industries, strict prohibitions rarely eliminate consumer demand. Instead, bans often push activities underground, where regulation and accountability become difficult.
  • This challenge is even greater in digital markets because users can easily access global platforms through the internet.
  • The Ministry of Electronics and Information Technology informed the Lok Sabha that over 8,376 URLs had been blocked to curb illegal betting networks.
  • Despite this action, reports of financial fraud and gambling-related suicides continue to emerge, demonstrating the limitations of prohibition.
• Threats from Offshore Operators
  • Offshore gambling platforms are associated with serious risks such as financial fraud, terror financing, and illegal money transfers.
  • Since these platforms operate outside Indian jurisdiction, users have limited access to grievance redressal and legal remedies.
  • A major gambling and fraud racket uncovered in Sivaganga, Tamil Nadu, illustrates these dangers.
  • Fraudsters used Telegram groups to promote fake Old Coin Purchase Task schemes that promised high returns.
  • Victims were persuaded to invest money, while villagers were encouraged to open mule accounts used to divert illegal funds.
  • Such incidents reveal how offshore gambling networks exploit vulnerable communities and support organised financial crime.

Examples from Overseas

• United Arab Emirates (UAE)
  • The UAE, despite maintaining strict gambling restrictions for years, introduced a tightly regulated federal licensing system in 2023.
  • The framework includes compliance requirements, deposit limits, and strong harm-prevention safeguards to reduce illegal offshore activity while ensuring consumer safety.
• Sri Lanka
  • Similarly, Sri Lanka is moving toward a regulated framework through the establishment of a centralised Gambling Regulatory Authority, expected to become operational by June 2026.
  • The authority aims to regulate offshore gambling activities and bring online betting within a legal domestic structure.
  • These international examples demonstrate that many countries are recognising the limitations of outright bans and adopting regulated systems to ensure accountability and oversight.

Need for a Balanced Regulatory Framework

• Advantages of Regulation
  • A regulated domestic framework could provide stronger consumer safeguards, effective monitoring mechanisms, and improved accountability.
  • Regulation would also enable authorities to track suspicious transactions and reduce illegal financial activities linked to offshore networks.
  • Moreover, a regulated gaming ecosystem could generate significant tax revenue.
  • These funds could be used to strengthen enforcement systems, improve offshore monitoring, and conduct public awareness campaigns about gambling addiction and financial risks.
• Cooperation Between Governments
  • Addressing illegal online gambling requires coordination between the Centre and State governments.
  • A balanced approach combining regulation, technological monitoring, and public awareness would be more sustainable than relying solely on prohibition.

Conclusion

• The experience following the implementation of the PROG Act, 2025, demonstrates that outright bans are often ineffective in controlling online gambling.
• Instead of eliminating gambling activities, the ban has encouraged the growth of illegal offshore platforms that operate beyond domestic oversight.
• The rise in offshore gambling, cybercrime, and financial fraud highlights the need for a more practical and balanced policy approach.
• In the long run, strong regulation, combined with technological safeguards and public awareness, is likely to be a more effective solution for addressing the challenges posed by online gambling in India.

About Suryastra Rocket System:

• It is India’s first indigenous universal multi-calibre rocket launcher system.
• It is developed by Pune-based NIBE Limited in collaboration with Israel’s Elbit Systems.
• It is designed to deliver precision strikes against enemy positions, command centres, radar installations and logistics hubs deep inside hostile territory.
• Features:
  • It is an advanced long-range rocket launcher system.
  • It is mounted on a highly mobile 6x6 Tatra truck.
  • Multi-target Capability: It is designed to engage multiple targets simultaneously at varying ranges.
  • Precision: It achieves a high degree of accuracy with a circular error probable (CEP) of less than five metres during trials.
  • Instead of being limited to a single type of ammunition, it uses interchangeable modular pods that can fire a variety of munitions.
  • The system can also launch SkyStriker loitering munitions—often referred to as suicide drones, capable of traveling up to 100 kilometres .
  • Technology used: The system is based on Elbit Systems’ PULS (Precise & Universal Launching System) launcher technology.
  • It is equipped with a modern fire control system that integrates GPS, inertial navigation, and digital ballistic computation.
  • Its semi-automated reload and shoot-and-scoot capabilities reduce exposure to counter-battery fire.

About Agricola Medal:

• It is the highest honour conferred by the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) of the United Nations.
• It is awarded to distinguished individuals who have played an exceptional role in advancing efforts toward global food security, improved nutrition and agricultural development.
• It is considered one of the highest honours granted by the Organization in recognition of outstanding leadership and tangible contributions in these fields.

Key Facts about Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO):

• It is a specialized agency of the United Nations (UN) that leads international efforts to defeat hunger.
• It is the oldest permanent specialized agency of the UN. FAO was founded on October 16, 1945, when its constitution was signed in Canada’s Quebec City by 34 countries.
• Headquarters: Rome,
• Mandate: To improve nutrition, increase agricultural productivity, raise the standard of living in rural populations, and contribute to global economic growth.
• FAO’s goal is to achieve food and security for all and make sure that people have regular access to enough high-quality food and lead active, healthy lives.
• Functions:
  • The FAO coordinates the efforts of governments and technical agencies in programs for developing agriculture, forestry, fisheries, and land and water resources.
  • It is both a forum for negotiating agreements between developing and developed countries and a source of technical knowledge and information to aid development.
• The FAO also collaborated with the United Nations to establish the World Food Programme (WFP) to distribute surplus food to those in need.
• Members: It currently has 195 members – 194 countries and the European Union. (India is a founding member of FAO).
• It is governed by the biennial FAO conference, in which each member country, as well as the EU, is represented.
• The conference elects a 49-member Council, which serves as its executive organ.
• Funding: FAO receives its funding from its member countries.
• Reports published by the FAO: The State of the World’s Forests (SOFO), The State of World Fisheries and Aquaculture (SOFIA), The State of Agricultural Commodity Markets (SOCO), The State of Food Security and Nutrition in the World (SOFI).
• World Food Day is observed annually on October 16 to commemorate the founding of FAO in 1945.