Why in news?

A recent Parliamentary Standing Committee on External Affairs report, "India's Role and Presence in the Arctic and Antarctic Regions," has highlighted a widening gap between India's Arctic ambitions and its actual capabilities — coming close on the heels of India's Arctic Policy, 2022.

What’s in Today’s Article?

• India's Arctic Credentials
• Why India Needs an Arctic Narrative: Climate Security?
• Geopolitical Stakes
• Institutional and Capability Gaps

India's Arctic Credentials

• India's Arctic engagement dates back over a century: as part of the British Dominion, it was among the original 14 signatories of the 1920 Svalbard Treaty, which entitles Indians to visit the Svalbard archipelago without a visa and undertake commercial activities there.
• Today, India remains one of only two developing countries with a permanent scientific presence in the Arctic, through its Himadri research station in Ny-Ålesund, Svalbard.
• However, engagement has largely stayed confined to scientific research, even as the Arctic evolves into a convergence point for climate change and geopolitics.

Why India Needs an Arctic Narrative: Climate Security

• Monsoon linkage: Agriculture contributes about 18% of India's GDP and supports over half its population, with nearly 70% of annual rainfall coming from the southwest monsoon.
  • Emerging research points to an Arctic-Indian monsoon teleconnection, where Arctic warming and shrinking sea ice alter atmospheric circulation patterns affecting South Asian rainfall.
• Sea-level rise: The Arctic is a major driver of global sea-level rise, threatening low-lying nations like the Maldives and large parts of Bangladesh and India's coastline.
  • Estimates suggest over 250 million people in vulnerable South Asian coastal regions could be affected by mid-century — a challenge with direct implications for migration, humanitarian response, and national security.

Geopolitical Stakes

• Two of India's closest strategic partners, the US and Russia, are Arctic nations, while China — despite being a non-Arctic state — has invested heavily in Arctic infrastructure, research, and shipping.
• The Arctic is emerging as a zone of great-power competition over maritime access, energy security, and critical mineral supply chains.
• India enjoys goodwill with all eight Arctic states, reinforced by the recent India-Nordic Summit (covering Norway, Sweden, Finland, Denmark, Iceland) and improving ties with Canada — a diplomatic advantage few other countries possess.

Institutional and Capability Gaps

• No Dedicated Polar Ambassador
  • Arctic affairs responsibility is fragmented across four different divisions within the Ministry of External Affairs, hampering coherent policy-making.
  • All Arctic states, and even non-Arctic states like Singapore, have dedicated Arctic envoys — India does not, despite having a formal Arctic Policy.
• Absence of a Polar Research Vessel (PRV)
  • Without an ice-class research vessel, India's Arctic research remains confined largely to Svalbard, dependent on foreign collaboration or chartered vessels — limiting research continuity and scheduling flexibility.
  • Though a PRV was sanctioned by the Union Cabinet in 2014, it remains undelivered, with current plans pushing completion to the end of this decade.
  • In contrast, China acquired a second-hand Ukrainian icebreaker (Xuelong/"Snow Dragon") as an interim measure and now operates multiple polar vessels, including a nuclear icebreaker under construction — a model India could emulate.
• Inadequate Funding
  • India spent just Rs 17.53 crore on Arctic activities in 2024-25 — less than one-tenth of its Antarctic spending, and less than the cost of building a single kilometre of flyover.
  • This is seen as disproportionately low for a region influencing sea-level rise along India's 11,098-km coastline and holding major climate and geopolitical significance.

Conclusion

India possesses historic legitimacy, scientific presence, and diplomatic goodwill in the Arctic, but its institutional structures and budgetary commitments do not match its strategic interests.

With the 2022 Arctic Policy providing the framework and the Parliamentary Committee identifying the gaps, the urgent task now is to convert policy intent into concrete capability — through a Polar Ambassador, a dedicated research vessel, and adequate funding — to secure India's long-term climate and geopolitical interests in the region.